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DINNER 




TO THE 



HON. DANIEL WEBSTER, 



OF MASSACHUSETTS 



BY 



THE MERCHANTS, AND OTHER CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHU, 



DECEMBER 2, 1846, 



WITH 



MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 




PHILADELPHIA: 

CRISSY & MARKLEY, PRINTERS. 

1847. 





s<> ^^^^^^^-^^^^^^^^^ 



DINNER 



TO THK 



HON. DANIEL AVEBSTER 



OF MASSACHUSETTS: 



BY 



THE MERCHANTS, AND OTHER CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA, 



DECEMBER 2, 1846, 



WITH 



MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

CRISSY & MARKLEY, PRINTERS, NO. 4 MINOR STREET. 

1847. 



£7340 



^M EUMU U JUtr. »(rt^tl(rir< 



The greatness of true Statesmanship — the excellence of sterling 
Patriotism, at all times, challenge high regard, and of right, demand 
from those who have been benefited by their exercise, not only a 
public recognition of their value ; but a return, also, in some degree, 
as an evidence of grateful feeling. 

Military greatness, is too frequently a thing of rapid growth ; a 
consequence, often, of chance, and liable to be dimmed by the same 
causes which contributed to lend it tempoi'ary lustre. But the 
glory which is the reward of the statesman, is slowly yielded, even 
by those who are best served ; and the consideration and respect 
due to those naturally fitted to direct and control the destinies of a 
nation, are not given until there is in every heart the assurance 
that they are well deserved. Peace and her victories, do not 
strike, at once, upon the sense, with the greatness of their results ; 
and men look back from present prosperity, to a time of trouble 
and danger, in order to be assured that the civilian has done more 
by preserving, enlarging and improving, than the soldier by de- 
priving or destroying. 



IV 

Among the statesmen of our country, Daniel Webster has 
taken a foremost position, and but few of those who have striven 
with him in the mighty efforts of intellect, which have brought 
lustre upon his name, and added honor to the nation, have done so 
much for the true interests of the people, or contributed so largely 
to the perpetuity of peace. He has met and grappled difficulties 
that seemed overshadowing the land — pregnant with omens of 
war ; and under his careful guidance, the calm light of peace has 
a<rain been diffused where it seemed almost extinguished. He has 
soothed the angry feelings of the nation without abating its honor, 
and added to its dignity, by sustaining with the ability which 
belongs only to the highest powers, and the most enlarged intellect, 
the claims of the country, both abroad and at home. He has 
become a pillar of strength in defence of our National Constitution, 
and aided, with wise forecast, to throw around our Commerce and 
Manufactures, the guards and defences which have protected them 
while feeble, and aided them in prosperous maturity. 

He has become a citizen of the country, and has won a place in 
the hearts of our people. New Hampshire may point with exulta- 
tion to his birth-place among her granite hills, and Massachusetts 
claim him as her favorite son ; but Pennsylvania, and every State 
in the Confederacy, has a claim upon his matchless mind, and a 
pride in his broadly diffiased fame. The services which have made 
his name illustrious, were for the Union, and the Natiox yields 
him the precious gift of gratitude lor what he has accomplished for 
her permanent good. 

No class of our people has derived more benefit from his far- 
seein" wisdom, than the mercantile community ; and the merchants 
of Philadelphia, in tendering to him a token of their appreciation of 
his great acts, have but rendered him just honor, while, at the 
same time, they have drawn to themselves the commendation of 



the entire class of our people, whom they represent. It was not 
to subserve political or sectional views, that they proffered the 
festivity, of which record is made in the following pages. It was 
with no view to bias his feelings, or tempt him to the advocacy of 
plans, specially to benefit the community, in the midst of which he 
was honored. It was for what had been accomplished — for the 
services of years, and in thankfulness for the substantial good 
which had inured to the commerce and manufactures of the nation, 
as a consequence of his efforts. Galm judgment, uninfluenced by 
political hopes or fears, or political expediency, approved the mani- 
festation of feeling, and Mr. Webster was made the recipient of 
a moral homage, most acceptable, because it is rarely won or 
tendered. 

The festivity was one to be remembered, and in the record of all 
that properly belongs to it, which follows, an endeavor has been 
made to convey some idea of the spirit in which the compliment 
was offered, and of the manner in which it was rendered. 



PRELIMINARY PROCEEDINGS. 



On the 25th of April last, a meeting of the merchants and other 
citizens, subscribers to the call for a Dinner to the Hox. Daniel 
Webster, was held at the Philadelphia Exchange. 

On motion of Mr. John H. Martin, 
David S. Brown, Esq., was called to the Chair, and 
Dr. George McClelland appointed Secretary. 

The Chairman having stated the object of the Meeting, 
Mr. Samuel C. Morton, offered the following Preamble and 
Resolutions. 

Whereas, a number of the citizens of Philadelphia are anxious 
to tender a public dinner to the Hon. Daniel Webster, as an evi- 
dence of their appreciation of his great public services. 

Resolved, That a Committee of General Superintendence be 
appointed, to consist of twenty-four subscribers, with jiowcr of sub- 
stitution, and to increase their number to any extent they mav 
deem necessary. 

Resolved, That said Committee be instructed to correspond with 
the Honorable Daniel Webster, and make all suitable preparations 
\\)Y the occasion. 



VII 

Resolved, That the following named gentlemen be appointed 
said Committee, viz. : 

Henry White, Joseph B. Myers, 

Charles W. Churchman, Thomas Chambers, 

David S. Brown, John Rice, 

Alfred L. Elwyn, John McCandless, 

Jacob M. Thomas, Frederick Fraley, 

Singleton A. Mercer, William Struthers, 

John H. Martin, John S. Riddle, 

Alexander H. Freeman, Sampson Tams, 

Thomas Smith, William D. Lewis, 

Isaac R. Davis, William E. Whelan, 

George McClelland, Samuel Haddock, Jr., 

John Ashhurst, William Bargh. 

In accordance with its assigned duty, the Committee met, and 
addressed to the Hon. Daniel Webster, the following letter :— 

Philadelphia, April 27th, 1846. 

Dear Sir : — Your fellow citizens of this city, desirous of ex- 
pressing their friendly regard and admiration of your services to 
your country, tender to you a public dinner, to be given at a time 
the most convenient to yourself. 

Nearly all who offer this mark of esteem, are men of business, 
removed from the party strifes of the country, though deeply inte- 
rested and affected in all their relations, by the action and agitation 
of party ; with these your name has long been associated as one 
of those, whose advice, whether heeded or not ; whose abilities, 
whether successfully exerted or not ; were always directed towards 
the advancement of their interests, and always, in their opinion, 
tending to the enhancement of their prosperity. They offer to you 
this token of respect, as an evidence, not only of personal esteem, 
but as a mark of sincere and grateful feeling. 



VIII 

But in this expression of regard, they will not limit themselves to 
what may be considered as more peculiarly their interests. As 
members of this great Republic, they desire in this way, to express 
their approbation and pride in those efforts, that have multiplied 
and strengthened our ties with the family of nations ; that have 
increased and made more stable, as well as intimate, our own 
national sympathies; and which, by extending your reputation, 
have given credit and fame to your country. 

None cherish, with more interest, these, the lasting memorials 

that you have given of your patriotism and devotion to the welfare 

of your fellow citizens, than those, who now tender this token of 

their esteem. 

We have the honor to be, 

With the highest respect, 

Your friends and fellow citizens, 

Henry White, Alfred L. Elwyn, * 

Jacob M. Thomas, Charles W. Churchman, 

George McClelland, David S. Brown, 

Isaac R. Davis, John S. Riddle, 

William D. Lewis, Frederick Fraley, 

John Rice, John Ashhurst, 

William E. Whelan, Alexander H. Freeman, 

John II. Martin, Joseph B. Myers, 

John McCandless, Singleton A. Mercer, 

Thomas Smith, Thomas Chambers, 

William Struthers, Sampson Tams, 
Daniel Haddock, Jr. 

To this letter, Mr. Webster made the following reply in accept- 
ance of the invitation. 

WAsriiT^GTON, May 1st, 1R40. 

Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your communication, of th(! "^Tth of April, inviting me to a pub- 
lic dinner, in Philadelphia. 



IX 

The character of this invitation, as well as the friendly manner 
in which it is expressed, give it a peculiar claim on my regard ; 
and render it indeed, on my part, not easy to be declined. 

You describe those whom you represent, or who join you in this 
mark of respect, as " men of business, removed from the party 
strifes of the country, though deeply affected and interested in all 
their relations, by the action and agitation of party movements." 

I deem it a high honor. Gentlemen, to be requested by such men, 
to accept a mark of their esteem ; and when my public duties shall 
allow, I will gladly meet you and your friends, on such day as 
may suit your convenience. 

We are in the midst of all the business of one of the most im- 
portant sessions of Congress, which have been holden under the 
Constitution. 

During its continuance, I shall hardly be able to leave the duties 

of my place, even for a few days ; but after its conclusion, if you 

will allow me, I will confer with you upon the time for carrying 

your very respectful purpose into effect. 

I am. Gentlemen, 

With entire regard. 

Your obedient servant, 

DANIEL WEBSTER. 

To Messrs. A. L. Elwyn, C. W. Churchman, D. S. Brown, and 
other Gentlemen of the Committee. 

The acceptance having been received, the General Committee of 

Superintendence reassembled, and organized by the choice of the 
following officers : — 

Henry White, Chairman. 

Jacob M. Thomas, Treasurer. 

Daniel Haddock, > „ . . 
,1,. Ti i Secretaries. 

William Bargh, \ 



Being thus constituted, and the manner of providing the enter- 
tainment, being under consideration, it was resolved to appoint 
the following Committees, with large powers, so as to secure an 
efTective discharge of required duty : — 

COMMITTEE ON INVITATIONS. 

Charles W. Churchman, Singleton A. Mercer, 

Dr. George McClelland, David S. Brown, 

Dr. Alfred L. Elwyn, John Rice, 

Jacob M. Thomas. 

COMMITTEE TO PREPARE DINNER AND MAKE ARRANGEMENTS, 

Henry White, John H. Martin, 

John Ashhurst, John McCandless, 

William E. Whelan, William Struthers, 

Daniel Haddock, Jr., Frederick Fraley, 

Thomas Smith, John S. Riddle, 

Alexander H, Freeman, Isaac R. Davis, 

Thomas Chambers, William D. Lewis, 

Joseph B. Myers, Sampson Tams. 

These Committees immediately proceeded to fulfil the duties en- 
trusted to them, and a large and liberal preparation was the conse- 
quence of their exertions. The first in its gathering together many 
of the most eminent merchants and friends of Commerce, in the 
country ; and the last in the noble feast at which the distinguished 
Guest was honored. 

The Committee on Invitations, with a pi'oper view of their duty, 
addressed letters to the following distinguished gentlemen, request- 
ing their presence at the festival : — 

Philip Hone,* Simeon Draper, 

R. M. ]51atchford,* Edward Curtis,* 

Moses Grinnell, Fliram Ketchum,* 

Charles King,* Samuel Jaudon,* 



XI 



Commodore Stewart, 
J. Prescott Hall, 
Nathan Appleton, 
James W. Paige, 
Abbott Lawrence, 
Robert C. Winthrop,* 
Col. Thomas Perkins, 
Rufus Choate, 
Fletcher Webster,* 
Thomas J. Stevenson, 
Charles H. Warren,* 
Washington Hunt, 
George Ashmun,* 
George Evans, 
Charles T. Paine, 
James Wilson,* 
W. W. Seaton,* 
Z. Collins Lee,* 
Reverdy Johnson, 
J. P. Kennedy,* 
James Lyons, 

John S. 



T. T. H. McKennon, 
Roswell L. Colt,* 
Thomas Corwin, 
J. J. Crittenden, 
Thomas Butler King, 
Samuel J. Vinton, 
R. C. Schenck, 
George T. Curtis, 
Nathan Hale,i 
J. T. Buckingham,^ 
Wm. Hay den, ^ 
Charles C. Stratton, 
Andrew Stewart,* 
Isaac Munroe,* 
J. Brooks,** 
John Inman,^ 
Horace Greely,*' 
Charles Stetson, 
Alexander Ramsay,* 
Freeman Hunt,* 
Truman Smith,* 
Skinner,* 



Of these, the gentlemen whose names are marked with an aste- 
risk, signified thfeir acceptance, and were, with but one or two 
exceptions, present at the dinner. 

The Committee to cause the Entertainment to be prepared, and 
to make the necessary arrangements, fixed upon the great Saloon 
of the Museum Building, as the place wherein the dinner should 
take place, and also entrusted to Messrs. Bagley, McKenzie Sf Co., 
the proprietors of the "Columbia House," in this city, the duty 



1 Daily Advertiser, Boston. 4 Baltimore Patriot, Baltimore. 

2 Courier, Boston. 5 Express, New York. 

3 Atlas, Boston. G Editor Commercial Advertiser. 

7 Editor of the New York Tribune. 



XII 

of providing the Entertainment throughout, giving liberal and exten- 
sive orders, which were promptly and properly carried out. 

It having been determined that the ladies should share in the 
pleasure of the festal evening, a proper disposition of seats in the 
galleries was made, and the Chinese Saloon, beneath the apart- ^ 
ment in which the dinner was given, prepared for their reception, 
until the hour fixed for their admission to the galleries. These 
and many minor duties, were faithfully discharged, and with such 
comprehensiveness of action, and exercise of judgment, that the 
festivity proceeded without the unpleasantness of the manifestation 
of incomplete preparations. 

The Dinner was fixed to take place on the Second of December, 
and the HON. SAMUEL BRECK was chosen as the Presiding 
Officer; to be aided by the following gentlemen, as Vice-Pre- 
sidents : — 

Henry White, John Rice, 

Thomas Chambers, Joseph G. Clarkson, 

Frederick Fraley, Dr. J. Rodman Paul, 

Joseph Ripka. 



THE DINNER. 



Few demonstrations of public attachment to one who has filled 
no other stations than those which are the most eminent in civil life, 
have been attended with so much of brilliancy, have been made 
so effectively imposing, or have carried to the hearts of those who 
witnessed it, a more impressive idea of the value of the gratitude of 
a community or class, than the festival at which Daniel Webster 
sat, in honorable eminence, as the guest of the merchants of Phila- 
delphia. He had won his right to this consideration, by services of 
the most enlarged and valuable nature, by the exercise of a 
wisdom, profound and far-seeing, and by the timely exhibition of 
acquired talents and learning, in defence of the people of this 
country. And to no class of our people had his labors been more 
directly beneficial, than to the merchants ; to the protection of 
whose interests he has stood firmly, at all times. It was just to 
him — it was just to themselves, therefore, that the merchants of 
this city should recognize these services, and make an endeavor 
to exhibit, in feeling at least, an evidence of their appreciation of 
the value of his labors in their behalf. 

It was a pleasing sight to see the immense saloon, when made 
ready for the entertainers and the entertained. Eight tables were 
arranged in three rows, nearly two hundred feet in length, each, 
along the floor of the saloon ; the centre table on the north, being 
elevated considerably above the rest. This was appropriated to 



XIV 

the President of the Day, the Great Orator, and a number of invited 
guests — covers being laid for twenty persons. In front of this ele- 
vation, the Committee, and their table was adorned with a superb 
confection, in the form of a Temple of Liberty, several feet high, 
curiously constructed in sugar. On each face of the octagonal 
base, within a wreath of laurel leaves, appeared the cyphers, 
" D. W." in gold, and on every pinnacle, some device, very taste- 
fully formed. The summit of the temple was crowned with a Cap 
of Liberty, and the effect of the ornament was, in the highest decree, 
pleasing. Along the tables, other ornaments in sugar, of the most 
elaborate and beautiful designs, shot up in graceful elegance, from 
amid the well arranged mass of delicate viands, with which the 
board was loaded. Many of these ornaments were perfect triumphs 
of patisserie, and they agreeably interrupted and relieved the view. 
The elevated table was adorned in exquisite taste, and its effect was 
very imposing. Two magnificent marble vases, filled with the 
rarest exotics, vied, in effect, with a pair of superbly wrought Hebe 
wine vases, several feet in height ; and these prominent objects 
of beauty were neighbored by pyramids of fruits, in chrvstals 
chastely arranged. A large cake surmounted by a statue of Wash- 
ington beneath a curiously open-worked canopy of sugar, above 
which appeared the American eagle, was also upon this table. 
Beside each plate the carte du diner, exquisitely printed in o-old 
colors, was laid, and the selection of dishes comprised all the varie- 
ties of the table. Nothing was wanting to make the festivity 
acceptable to the senses ; and the liberal caterers had no cause to 
regret the nature or the extent of their preparation. 

Chairs were set for five hundred and eighty-six persons, and 
liberal regard was had for the comfort of all. At four o'clock 
every seat was occupied, save those of the Guests and the Com- 
mittee ; and when, at last, Mr. Webster appeared, with Mr. Breck, 
the President of the Day, and followed by the invited Guests and 
the Committee, the whole mass in the saloon rose to their feet and 
saluted the distinguished Statesman with cheers that must have 
rung proudly in his ears. The welcome was heart-warm, and the 
generous tribute of gratitude was expressed in the united impulse 
with which the cheers were uttered. 



XV 

The dinner was soon discussed, and so great was the anxiety 
to hear Mr. Webster, that the choice dessert was only partially 
brought upon the table, and shortly after five o'clock, the cloth was 
removed. 

Pleasant as had been the festivity, it was, at this moment, made 
more acceptable ; for the Ladies came thronging into the galleries, 
which were quickly filled by the beauty and fashion of the city. 
It was a glorious constellation, and the gentlemen rose from their 
seats as they came in, and cheered with a zeal and fervor, that 
indicated how much they prized the honor done them — how much 
they aided to honor Mr. Webster, by their presence. It was an 
unusual but most delightful feature in a public entertainment, and 
imparted a keener point and zest to the enjoyment of the evening. 

About six o'cock, the President announced the first regular toast, 
as follows : 

The Union — The experience of the ancient Republics demon- 
strated its necessity. The benefits it has conferred upon our coun- 
try require that it shall be now and forever, one and inseparable. 

It was received and honored with warm cheers, as also was the 
second, which was as follows : 

A Protective Tarif—The peaceful power of the nation, preserv- 
ing its independence and sustaining its Agriculture, Commerce and 
Manufactures. 

The third toast having direct reference to the distinguished 
Guest, in whose honor the great assemblage was convened, Mr. 
Breck arose, and happily introduced it with the following remarks : 

Gentlemen: — I rise to propose a toast, expressive of the great 
esteem and honor in which we hold the illustrious Guest, whom we 
are assembled to welcome. It is cause for felicitation to have this 
opportunity to receive him, and to meet him at our festive board. 

In Philadelphia, we have long been accustomed to follow him, 
with earnest attention, in his high vocations, in the legislative hall 
and in the cabinet ; and have always seen him there, exercising his 
great talents, for the true interests of our wide-spread Republic. 
And we, in common with the American people, have felt the influ- 
ence of liis wisdom and patriotism. 



XVI 

^Vhen rulers, not ashamed to become sinners, have clogged, by 
their ignorance and wickedness, the wheels of government, we have 
listened to his warning voice. In those seasons of danger, he has 
been to us a living comforter ; and more than once, has restored 
this nation to serenity, security and prosperity. 

In a career of more than thirty years of i)oliticaI agitation, he, 
with courageous constancy, unwavering integrity, and eminent 
ability, lias carried out, as far as his agency could prevail, the true 
principles of the American system of government. 

I'or liis numerous public services we owe him much, and we 
open our grateful hearts to him, in thanks ; we say to him, with 
feelings of profound respect and warm aflection, that we are 
rejoiced at his presence here, amid his Philadelphia friends — his 
faithful Philadelphia friends and admirers. 

I offer you the health of 



Daniel Webster — The faithful Representative, the able Nego- 
tiator, the fearless Statesman, the eloquent Defender of the Consti- 
tution : His patriotic services demand our gratitude — his untarnished 
honor is the Nation's property. 



Mr. Brcck was frequently obliged to pause in his remarks, by 
the loud applauses of the assemblage ; and when, in concluding, he 
introduced the distinguished Gukst, the feeling rose into perfect 
enthusiasm, and the cheers, clapping of hands, the smiles and 
waving handkerchiefs of the ladies, made the universal demonstra- 
tion of welcome as rare and honorable as it was well deserved, 
and worthily given. It must have stirred the pulses of his heart to 
a quicker throb; and when he cast his eyes over the vast mass, 
swayed by one strong impulse, and thundering out a welcome ; 
and upon the fair array of beauty gathered to render him spe- 
cial honor — he must have enjoyed feelings of the most enviable 
character. 

It was some minutes before his voice could be heard, and then 
Mr. Webster spoke as follows : — 



ME. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 



It is my duty in the first place, to express the uncommon 
emotions which I feel, in rising to discuss important subjects in 
a presence, like that in the midst of which I am. It has not 
been my fortune, heretofore, to enter upon such a duty as is now 
before me, while galleries like these have been filled by an assem- 
blage of the worth and beauty of the sex. Gentlemen, I come 
among you to address you as men of business of the city of 
Philadelphia, men engaged in the honorable pursuits of private 
life, and having no other interest in the political events and occur- 
rences of the day, than as the course and acts of Government, 
affect life and liberty, property and industry. You are merchants, 
you are therefore deeply concerned in the peace of the country, 
and in whatever respects its commercial prosperity. You are 
manufacturers, mechanics, artizans ; you have an interest, there- 
fore, in all those wise laws which protect capital and labor thus 
employed — all those laws which shed their benign influence over 
the industrial pursuits of human life. You are holders of city 
property — many of you are landholders in the country — many of 
you are occupiers and cultivators of your own land in the neigh- 



borhood of the city. Finally, I know you are all Americans — 
you arc all members of this great and glorious Republic — bound to 
its destiny — partaking of all the happiness which its government is 
calculated to afford, and interested in every thing that respects its 
present prospects and its future renown. 

I am honored, gentlemen, by an invitation to address such an 
assemblage of my fellow citizens. I will say that it is always 
agreeable to me to speak, and to think, upon great questions, 
respecting our political institutions — their progress and their 
results, in this city of Philadelphia. With no habits of public life, 
but such as have connected me with the Constitution of the United 
States — accustomed somewhat to study its history and its princi- 
ples, and called upon now, for some years, to take a part in its 
administration, so far as the action of Congress is concerned, it is 
natural that I should look back to the origin of that Independence, 
from which the Constitution sprung, and to the Constitution itself, 
out of which the Government, now established over us, arose. 
These reflections bring with them agreeable local associations. 
The Independence of our country was declared in yonder Hall, 
the Constitution was framed, also, within the same venerable 
walls ; and if one to whom that declaration of Independence and 
that Constitution are objects of the highest human regard enter 
that Hall, it is natural that he should gather around him, in im- 
agination, the great men — the illustrious sages, who filled it on 
those successive occasions. They are all gone to their graves. 
But they have left their works behind them, as imperishable 
memorials of their wisdom. (^Loud applause.) 

The city of Philadelphia is, in all respects, much connected with 
the history of our country. [Applause,) She is, in all respects, 
interested in whatever affects the weal or woe of the Republic. Her 
position along the line of the coast is central and important, her 



population is large, the occupations of her people various — she is 
the capital of the great State of Pennsylvania, not improperly- 
called the "keystone" of the arch of this Union. (Applause.) 

Gentlemen, some years ago in addressing a public meeting in the 
neighborhood of this city, I said what I believed and now believe, 
that, perhaps with the exception of England, there is no spot upon 
the globe full of so much natural I'iches as the State ef Pennsyl- 
vania. Gentlemen, she enjoys a mild and delightful climate, a 
rich and exuberant soil, one of the best in the world, with mineral 
wealth beyond calculation. I know no portion of the globe that can 
go beyond her in any just statement of natui'al advantages, and of 
productive power. Pennsylvania, too, gentlemen, is concerned in 
every interest that belongs to the country. On her eastern bound- 
ary she touches the tide waters of the Atlantic — on her western 
border she touches the great river wliich carries, westward and 
southward, her products raised, beyond the Alleghenies, to the 
Gulf of Mexico. She is open to the Gulf on the south and west, 
and to the ocean on the east. Her position is central, her 
population is numerous. If she chooses to say that she will connect 
the navigable waters which flow into the Gulf, witli the navigable 
waters of the Atlantic, she can do it, without trespassing on any 
stranger's territory. (Tremeiidous applause.) It is with her a 
family affair. She has made one line of communication, she can 
make, another, and as many as she please, to wed the waters of the 
Ohio with those of the Atlantic. 

Gentlemen, I cannot help thinking that what Pennsylvania is, 
and that gi-eater, which Pennsylvania is to be, is and will be 
greatly owing to the constitutional Government under which we live. 
(Great applause.) I would not, with any idolatrous admiration, 
regard the Constitution of the United States, nor any other work of 
man ; but, this side of idolatry, I hold it in profound respect. I 



believe that no human working on such a subject — no human 
ability exerted for such an end, has ever produced so much happi- 
ness, or holds out, now, to so many millions of people the prospect, 
through such a succession of ages and ages, of so much happiness, 
as the Constitution of the United States. {Great applause.) We 
who are here for one generation — for a single life, and yet in our 
several stations and relations in society, entrusted, in some degree, 
with its protection and support — what duty does it devolve ; what 
duty does it not devolve upon us 1 

Gentlemen, there were those in the country at the time the Con- 
stitution was adopted, that did not approve it. Some feared it from 
an excessive jealousy of power ; others, for various causes, disliked 
it. The great majority of the people of the United States, how- 
ever, adopted it, and placed Washington at the head of the first 
administration of the Government. (^Loud applause.) This con- 
stitution fairly expounded, justly interpreted, is the bond of our 
Union. Those who opposed it were all bound, in honor and jus- 
tice, to follow the example of Patrick Henry, who, himself, opposed 
it, but who, when it had been adopted, took it in the fullness of its 
spirit, and to the highest extent of its honest interpretation. {Great 
applause.) It was not, then, fair for those who had opposed the 
adoption of the Constitution, to come in under it, afterwards, and 
attempt to fritter away its provisions, because they dislike them. 
The people had adopted the instrument, as it stood, and they were 
bound by it, in its fair and full construction and interpretation. 
{^Applau&e^ For the same reason, gentlemen, those called upon 
to exercise high functions under the Constitution, in our day, may 
think that they could have made a better one. It may be the 
misfortune of the age of our fathers, that they had not the intel- 
ligence of this age. {Laughter.) These persons may think that 
they could have made it much better, — that this thing and that. 



ought not to have been put in it, and thei-efore, they will try to 
get them out of it. [Laughter.) That's not fair. Every man that 
is called upon to administer the Constitution of the United States, 
or act under it in any respect, is bound, in honor, and faith, and 
duty, to take it in its ordinary acceptation — to act upon it, as it 
was understood by those who framed it, and received by the peo- 
ple when they adopted it ; and as it has been practised upon since, 
thi'ough all administrations of the Government. 

It may have happened — I think it has happened, that instances 
have occurred, in which the spirit of this instrument has been 
departed from ; in which, in effect, violations of that spii'it have 
taken place. What of that ! Are we to abandon it on that account ? 
Are we to abandon it ? Why, I should as soon think of abandoning 
my own father when ruffians attacked him ! {Loud and long con- 
tinued apjjlause.) No ! we are to rally around it with all our 
power and all our force, determined to stand by it, or fall with 
it. What was the conduct of the great lovers of liberty in the 
early periods of English history? They wrested from a reluctant 
monarch, king John, a Magna Chart a. The Crown, afterwards, 
violated that Charter. What did they do? They remonstrated, 
they resisted, they reasserted, they reinforced it — and that's what 
we are to do, gentlemen. {Tremendous a,pplavse.) 

Gentlemen, I have never felt more interested, I may say, never 
so much interested, in the course of my public life, as during some 
periods of the last session of Congress. I could not but persuade 
myself that we were in the midst of most important events. It was 
my purpose, towards the close of the session to consider, with 
some care, the acts of Congress, and the course of the adminis- 
tration during that session, and to express my opinions on them, in 
my place in the Senate. It so happened, however, that in the 
fleeting hours of the last week of the session, no opportunity was 



6 

ofTcred ; and I therefore announced a purpose of taking some occa- 
sion before the public, of reviewing the acts of Congress, during 
the last session, and of making such comments upon them as, in my 
humble judgment, they deserved. This may be a proper occasion 
for fulfilling that duty. {Great applause^ But my purpose has 
been so long deferred, that it has been anticipated. Other com- 
mentators have arisen, more effective and authoritative than I, 
and they have given their comments upon the conduct of the last 
session of Congress, with an emphasis which must have penetrated 
the dullest perception. [LmigJvter and applause.') 

Gentlemen, the political events that have occurred in the coun- 
try since the termination of the session, have impressed me with 
very profound feelings. The results of the elections, especially in 
the central States on the Atlantic, while they have awakened new 
hopes and new prospects, have been, nevertheless, of a nature to 
excite emotions far too deep, to be expressed in any evanescent 
glow of party feeling. It appears to me quite plain, that no such 
revolution of public opinion as wc have now witnessed, has hap- 
pened in this country, before, for nearly fifty years. I may con- 
fine my remarks, in this respect, to those two great States, Penn- 
sylvania and New York. {Applause.) When has such a change 
of public scntinicnt been manifested, before, in the State of Penn- 
sylvania, since the great controversy of '99 and 1 800 ? At that 
period, a very strong political dispute was carried on in this city, 
as well as elsewhere throughout the State, of which controversy, the 
election between Governor McKean and Mr. Ross, was one part and 
one element. The former was elected, and certain highly important 
political results followed. Since that time, no such an entire revolu- 
tion of popular sentiment in regard to questions connected with the 
General Government, as that witnessed within the last year, has 
taken place. I may say the same, in substance, I believe, of New 



York. Since the time of the great controversy in that State, about 
the same period, I know of no change of sentiment in New York, of 
such magnitude, and which has taken every body so much by sur- 
prise. At the same time, it is quite manifest that these changes 
have not been produced by effort. The country has been cahTfi, 
the pubHc mind serene. There have been no mass meetings, no 
extraordinary efforts of the press, no great attempts of any kind 
to influence men's opinions. It seems to me that the most remark- 
able circumstance, qualifying the \\ hole occurrence, is the sponta- 
neous, self-moved, conscientious conviction and feeling of the 
people, producing this great result, {Great applause.) 

Now, gentlemen, the question is, what is this revolution ? What 
is its character ? For whom, and against whom 1 For what, and 
against what? 

Gentlemen, I intend to perform the duty before me, this evening, 
without denunciation, without vituperation : I intend to avoid, as 
far as possible, all reflections upon men, and all unjust reflections 
upon parties. But it does appear to me as clear as the light of 
noon day, that the revolution which has now taken place in the 
country, in public sentiment, is a revolution against the measures 
and the principles of this now existing administration. {Enthu- 
siastic applause^ ichlch continued for several minutes.) It is 
ac^ainst the manner in which this war with Mexico has been 
brought on. {Loud cries of " you'r right /" " you'r rigid /" and 
great applause.) It is against the tariff of 1846. {Deafening 
applause.) It is against that absurdity of all absurdities — the 
SUB-TREASURY BILL. {Roars of luughtcr.) It is against the 
duplicate vetoes. {Great applause.) 

Gentlemen, the present administration is not regarded as the 
just representative, or the regular successor of any administration. 
{Laughter and clieers.) In its principles and in its measures, it 



8 

certainly does not resemble the administration of General Jackson 
or of Mr. Van Buren — and God knows it resembles no other one. 
{Roars of laughter.) Now we must be just — ^we must be just to 
those who, in time past, have differed from us. We must, in some 
measure, forget the things which are behind. I take this to be the 
truth, that this administration has adopted a system of its own, and 
measures of its own, and assumed a character of its own, distinct and 
separate from what was the character of preceding administrations. 
I take it to be for that reason, that hundreds and thousands of our 
fellow citizens i)i this State and in other States, who were sup- 
porters of Gen. Jackson's administration, and Mr. Van Buren's 
administration, repudiate this administration. {Loud cheers.) I 
think, therefore, that this administration stands alone — I will not say 
in its glory, but certainly in its measures and its policy. I think 
it is certain, that the sober-minded and intelligent portion of the 
community who have, heretofore, sustained what has been called 
the Democratic party, have found that this administration of Mr. 
Polk either adopts new measures, not before known to the pai'ty, or 
has carried the sentiments of the party, hitherto received and ex- 
pressed, to such extremes, that it is impossible for honest and just 
men to follow it; and that, therefore, they have come out, laying 
aside the natural reluctance which men feel in acting against the 
party of their friends — they have come out, nevertheless, and in order 
to manifest their disapprobation of the principles and measures of 
this administration, they have flocked to the polls by thousands, and 
given plumpers to Whig candidates. {Applause^ Now, are they 
right in this? Are they I'ight in supposing that this administration 
has adopted new doctrines, or carried old doctrines to extremes ? 
Gentlemen, it is perfectly evident to me that they are right ; that 
on questions of vital interest to these central States, and to all the 
States, the principles and measui'es of the present administration 



9 

are marked departures from the principles and measures of Gene- 
ral Jackson. 

I will, with your permission and patience, gentlemen, illustrate 
this sentiment by one or two instances, beginning with that of the 
protective policy of the country. {Loud apiilause^ 

It seems to me almost too light a question to ask whether, in 
this respect, Young Hickory is like Old Hickory. But it is a great 
question to be put to the people of the United States, and which 
has been put, and which they have answered, whether the princi- 
ples of the present administration, in regard to the protective 
policy of the country, arc or are not, entire departures from the 
pi'inciples of Andrew Jackson. 1 say, they are. [Loud ai^plause.^ 

Gentlemen, I have not been an advocate of the policy of Gene- 
ral Jackson. We all know that he Was a man of decided and 
strong character. For one, I believe that in general, his wishes 
were all for the happiness and glory of the country. [AjJj^lause.) 
He (bought, perhaps, that to establish that happiness and perfect 
that glory, it was incumbent on him to exert a little more power, 
than I believed the Constitution gave him. [Laughter and cheers.) 
But I never doubted that he meant well ; and that while he sought 
to establish his own glory and renown, he intended to connect 
them with the glory and renown of the whole country. 

Gentlemen, after the passage of what is called, or has been 
called, the Compromise Act of '33, no great agitation arose on the 
Tariff subject until the expiration, or near the expiration, of the 
period prescribed by that act. Within that time, Mr. Van Buren's 
administration began, went through, and terminated. The cir- 
cumstances of the country, therefore, and the business presented to 
the consideration of the President and Congress, did not call on 
Mr. Van Buren, during his Presidency, to express an opinion 



10 

ill any particular, or formal manner, respecting the protective 
policy of the country. 

But, I will now compare the opinions and principles of the pre- 
sent President of the United States, as expressed by him, officially, 
with the principles and opinions of General Jackson, during his 
Presidency, as expressed by himself, officially. I begin, gentle- 
men, by reading to you what Mr. Polk says upon this subject of 
protection, at the last session of Congress, in his message, being 
his first annual message — and here it is. It will require some 
attention from you, gentlemen. I hope you will not think me pre- 
suming too much upon your patience. {Cries of'-'' No, no! goo?i.'") 

Hear then, what Mr. Polk says in his message of last Decem- 
ber, on tiic opening of Congress : 

" The object of imposing duties on imports, should be to raise 
revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress 
may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discrimi- 
nati' in arranging the rates of duty on different articles ; but the 
diseriuiinations should be within the revenue standard, and be made 
with a view to raise money I'or the support of Government. 

"If Congress levy a duty, for revenue, of one per cent, on a 
given article, it will pi'oduce a given amount of money to the Trea- 
sury, and will, incidentally and necessarily, afford protection or 
advantage to the amount of one per cent, to the home manufac- 
turer of a similar or like article over the importer. If the duty be 
raised to ten per cent., it will produce a greater amount of money, 
and afford greater protection. If it be raised to twenty, twenty- 
five or thirty per cent., and if, as it is raised, the revenue derived 
from it is found to be increased, the protection and advantage will 
also be increased, but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent., and it 
is found tlKit the revenue produced at that rate, is less than at the 
rate of thirty, it ceases to be revenue duty. The precise jjoint in 
the ascending scale of duties, at which it is ascertained from expe- 
rience, that the revenue is greatest, is the maximum rate of duty 
which can be laid for the bona fide purpose of collecting money for 
the support of the Government." 

Now, gentlemen, there are those who find difficulty in under- 
standing, exactly, what Mr. Polk means by the " Revenue Stand- 



11 

ard." Perhaps, this is not entirely plain. But one thing is clear, 
whatever else he may or may not moan, he means to be against 
all protection. He means that the sole and exclusive object to be 
regarded by the legislator, in imposing duties on imports, is to 
obtain money for the revenue. That is to be the single and entire 
object. He says, truly, that if a duty be laid on an imported 
article, an incidental benefit may accrue to the producer of a like 
article, at home. But, then, this is incidental ; it is altogether 
adventitious — an accident, a collateral or consequential result. It 
is not a matter to be taken into the view of the law-makers. It is 
to form no part of their purpose, in framing or passing the law. 
That purpose is to be confined altogether, to the inquiry after that 
" maximum rate of duty, which can be laid for the hona fide pur- 
pose of collecting money for the support of the Government." 

This is his doctrine, as plain as words can make it. It is to 
lay such duties as may be most beneficial to revenue, and nothing 
but revenue; and if, in raising a revenue duty, it shall happen 
that domestic manufactures are protected, why that's all very well. 
But the protection of domestic manufactures, is not to be any object 
of concern, nor to furnish any motive, to those who make the law. 
I think I have not misrepresented Mr. Polk. I think his meaning is 
sufficiently plain, and is precisely as I state it. Indeed I have given 
you his own words. He would not, himself, deny the meaning of 
his words, as I have stated. He is for laying taxes for revenue, 
and for revenue alone ; just as if there was no iron manufacturers, 
or other manufacturers, in the United States. This is the doctrine 
of Mr. Polk. 

Now, was this General Jackson's doctrine 1 Was it ever his 
doctrine ? Let us see. I read you an extract from General Jack- 
son's first message. He says : 



12 

" The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon 
articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that, wliich will place 
our own in fair competition with those of other countries ; and the 
inducements to advance even a step beyond this point, are control- 
ling, in regard to those articles which arc of primary necessity in 
time of war." 

What is this doctrine ? Does it not say, in so many words that, 
in imposing duties upon articles of foreign manufactures, it is the 
business of the framers of the law to lay such duties, and to lay 
them in such a way, as shall give our own producers a fair com- 
petition against the foi'cign producer, (^^p/^/a ?«<?,) And does not 
General Jackson go further, and say — (and you, Pennsylvanians, 
from here to Pittsburg, and all you workers in iron and owners of 
iron mines, may consider it) — does he not go further and say that, 
in regard to articles of primary importance, in time of war, we are 
under controlling reasons for going a step farther, and putting down 
foreign competition. (Applause.) Now, I submit to you, gentle- 
men, instead of putting down foreign competition, is not the 
Tariff of 1846, calculated to put down our own competition? 
[Laughter and cheers.) 

But I will read to you, gentlemen, an extract from General 
Jackson's second message, which, in my opinion, advances the true 
doctrine — the true American constitutional rule and principle, 
fully, clearly, admirably. 

"The power to impose duties on imports, oriirinally holonsed to 
the several States ; the right to adjust those duties, ulth ilie viva- 
to tlie encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so com- 
pletely identical with that power, that it is difficult to supi)ose the 
existence ol'thc one without the other. 

"The States have delegated their whole authority over imports 
to the Gen('ral Government without imitation or restriction, savino- 
the very inconsiderable reservation, relating to their inspection 
laws. This ;uithi)rity having thus entirely passed from the States, 
the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection, does not exist 



13 

in them, and consequently, if it be not possessed by the General 
Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus 
present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their 
own industry, and to contract the most selfish and destructive 
policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. 

" Thi- , surely, cannot be the case ; this indispensable power thus 
surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority 
on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. 

" In this conclusion I am confirmed, as well by the opinions of 
Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, who have, 
each, repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right, under the 
Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued 
acquiesence of the States, and the general understanding of the 
people." 

It appears to me, gentlemen, that these extracts from General 
Jackson's messages, read very differently from the extracts from 
President Polk's message, at the opening of the last session of 
Congress, which I have quoted. I think that his notion of a reve- 
nue standard — if President Polk means any thing by it, beyond 
this, that it is the sole business of this Government to obtain as 
much money as it needs, and to obtain it in the best way it can ; 
if he means to say that there is any other object belonging to the 
revenue standard, w^hich is yet incidental, which may or may not 
happen, all is visionary, vague, ideal ; and when touched by the 
principles announced by General Jackson, explode like gun-cotton. 
(^Applause.) You perceive, gentlemen, that in this Message to 
Congress, General Jackson addressed himself directly to the object. 
He says, in raising revenues, consider that your duty is so to 
arrange duties on imports, as to give to the manufacturer of the 
country a fair competition, and, in certain articles, to suppress 
foreign competition. There is an object, a purpose, a motive in 
protection and for protection, and it is not left to the cabalistic word, 
" incidental." 

I have said that I believe, that the people of this country see 
the difference between the principles of General Jackson and the 



u 

principles of this administration, on tlic great subject of protec- 
tion, and I have endeavored to present that difference, plainly, and 
in the very words of each. I think they see the difference, also, 
upon other important subjects. 

Now it happened in the course of General Jackson's adminis- 
tration, in very excited times, that he negatived the Maysville 
Road Bill, one Harbor Bill, and many other bills ; but I think 
that the people of western New York, of Pennsylvania, of Michi- 
gan, even of Indiana and Illinois, and all the West and Southwest, 
think they see, in the exercise of the veto power, by the pre- 
sent President, in regard to the Harbor Bill, of the late session, 
an opposition to works of this kind, stronger, broader, and car- 
ried to a far greater extent than General Jackson ever sanctioned. 
More of this presently ; but in the next place, the war — the war 
claims our attention, I am accustomed to mix so far as I am 
able, and as my circumstances will allow, with men of all 
classes and conditions in life; men of various political opinions; 
and your own avocations and concerns in life, will have led you 
to do the same ; and I now ask you, if you ever found a sensible 
and reasonable man, who ever said to you, that he believed, that 
if General Jackson or Mr. Van Buren had been at the head 
of the Government, we should have had this Mexican war. 
(Oieers.) I have found none such. Why, we all know, gentle- 
men, that the President — I have not to settle questions of greater 
or less worth, or the peculiar claims between gentlemen of a party 
to which I do not belong — but we all know the fact, that Mr. Polk 
came into office against Mr. Van Ruren. That he came in on the 
Texas interest, and for a Texas purpose ; and we all know that 
Texas and Texas purposes, have led on to this war. {A2yplause.) 
Therefore I say, I know no man, of intelligence and sound judg- 
ment, who believes that if the Baltimore Convention had nomi- 



15 

nated, and the people elected, Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency, 
we should now have on hand a Mexican war. 

The purpose of these remarks has been to show you, gentlemen, 
what I consider to have been the causes of the great change which 
has taken place in public opinion, itself; and it is vain for any 
bodv to say, that any local causes here, or local causes there, have 
brought about this result. That anti-rentism in New York and 
some Other is7n in Pennsylvania, have produced such important con- 
sequences, it is folly to say; there is nntliing at all in it. {Lavghtcr.) 
The test is this ; Do you say that questions of State policy, or 
State elections only have influenced this result? If you say so, 
then look at the elections for members of Congress. Members of 
Congress have nothing to do with these State questions ; and the 
truth is, that elections of members of Congress, in this State and 
in New York, have been carried by larger majorities than any 
other elections. (Cheers.) These elections have been governed 
mainly by questions of national policy. There were counties in 
New York, in which anti-rentism had nothing to do. There 
were others in which anti-rent influence was as much on one 
side as the other. But take the test, even in regard to them. 
I find it stated, and I believe correctly, that Mr. Fish, the Whig 
candidate for Lieutenant Governor, a most respectable and honor- 
able man — but certainly not a supporter of those who call them- 
selves in favor of anti-rent doctrine — I find it stated, that he obtain- 
ed more votes for the office of Lieutenant Governor, than Mr. 
Wrisht received as the democratic candidate for Governor. That 
flattering unction, therefore, gentlemen, cannot lay to themselves. 
There is, therefore, no getting over the result of the popular elec- 
tion, nor getting beyond it, or getting around it, or behind it; nor 
doing anything with it, but acknowledging it to be the expression of 
public opinion, against the measures of the present administration. 



16 

I proceed to make some remarks upon the occurrences of the 
session, connected with the previous course of the administration, 
since Mr. Polk assumed the office of President. 

Thf; question respecting tlie territory of Oregon is a settled 
question, and all are glad that it so. I am not about to disturb 
it, nor do I wish to revive discussions connected with it ; but in two 
or three particulars, it is worth while to make some remarks 
upon it. 

By the Treaty of Washington, of 1842, all questions subsisting 
between the United States and England, were settled and adjusted, 
with the exception of the Oregon controversy. ( Tremendous 
c/ieers.) I must beg pardon, gentlemen, for the allusion. I did 
not mean by any allusion, of that sort, to give occasion for any 
expression of public feeling in connection with my own services. 
(^Renewed apjdause.) The Oregon question remained; and it is 
worthy of remark, that its importance, and the intensity with which 
it was pressed upon the people of the United States, grew greater, 
when every other subject of dispute had ceased. 

I do not mention it as a matter of reproach, at all — for I hold 
every man, especially every man in public life, to have an un- 
doubted right tu the expression of his own opinion, and to dis- 
charge his own duty according to the dictates of his own con- 
science ; but I hope it may not be out of place to say that, upon 
his accession to the Presidential office, it pleased the President of 
the United States to entrust the duties of the State Department, 
which has charge of our foreign relations, and pending this Oregon 
controversy, to the hands of a distinguished gentleman, who was 
one of the few, w ho opposed — and he did oppose with great zeal 
and all his ability — the whole settlement of 1842. 

The Baltimore Convention assembled in May, 1844. One of 
its prominent proceedings, was the sentiment which it expressed 



17 

respecting our title to Oregon. It passed a resolution in these 
memorable words : 

" Resolved, That our title to the whole of the Territory of Ore- 
gon, is clear and unquestionable ; that no part of the same ought 
to be ceded to England, or any other power." 

Mr Polk, in his Inaugural Address, makes the same declaration, 
in the very same words, with marks of quotation, as if in acknow- 
ledgment of the authority of the Convention. Mr. Buchanan, by 
direction of the President, repeats the declaration in his letter to 
Mr. Packenham, of the 30th of August, 1845 ; and the President, 
in his Message to Congress, last December, having made some 
apology for entering into a negotiation, on the basis of former offers 
of this Government, informs them, that our title to the whole of 
Oregon had been asserted and maintained, as was believed, by 
irrefragable facts and arguments. And through all the debates, 
in the two Houses, on all occasions, down to the day of the 
Treaty, our right to the whole Territory was pronounced " clear 
and unquestionable." 

In and out of Congress, the universal echo was that, " our title 
to the witole of Oregon was clear and unquestionable." [Roars 
of laugJder.) The Baltimore Resolutions, in sentiment and in 
words, ran through all documents, all speeches and all newspapers. 
If you knew what the Baltimore Convention had said, you knew 
what all those who were attached (o the party had said, would 
say, might have said, or could, would, or should say. (^Laughter.') 

I remember, gentlemen, that when I was at school, I felt exceed- 
ingly obliged to Homer's messengers for the exact literal fidelity 
with which they delivered their messages. 

The seven or eight lines of good Homeric Greek, in which 
they had received the commands of Agamemnon or Achilles, they 
recited to whomsoever the message was to be carried ; and as 

2 



18 

they repeated them verbatim, it saved me the trouble of learning so 
much more Greek. {Laughter.) 

Any body who ; ttended the Baltimore Convention, and heard 
this Resolution would, in like manner, be familiar with what was 
to come, and prepared to hear again of " our clear and unques- 
tionable title." 

Nevertheless, gentlemen, the clearness of the title was a good 
deal questioned by a distinguished gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. 
Benton) and the end was, I think, a just and satisfactory settle- 
ment of the question by division of the Territory ; forty-nine 
carrying it against fifty-four forty. {Loud cheers.) Now, gen- 
tlemen, the remarkable characteristic of the settlement of this 
Oregon question, by treaty, is this. In the general operation 
of Government, treaties are negotiated by the President and 
ratified by the Senate ; but here is the reverse — here is a treaty 
negotiated by the Senate, and only agreed to by the President. 
{Laughter.) In August, 1845, all oirort of the administration 
to settle the Oregon question, by negotiation, had come to an 
end ; and I am not aware that, from that day to the absolute 
signature of the treaty, the administration, or its agents at 
home, or its agents abroad, did the least thing upon earth to 
advance the negotiation towards settlement in any shape, one 
single step ; and if it had stood where they left it, it would have 
remained unsettled at this moment. But it was settled. The 
discussions in Congress, the discussions on the other side of the 
water, the general sense of the community, all protested against 
the iniquity of two of the greatest nations of modern times, rushing 
into war and shedding Christian blood, in such a controversy. 
All enforced the conviction that it was a question to be settled- by 
an equitable and fair consideration — and it was settled. {Loud 
applause.) And that being settled, there is only one other topic 



19 

connected with this subject, upon which I will detain you with any 
remarks. I would not do this, if I did not think the honor of the 
country somewhat concerned, and if I did not desire to express my 
own dissatisfaction with the course of the administration. What I 
refer to is the repeated refusal, on the part of the administration, to 
submit this question to honorable, fair arbitration. After the United 
States Government had withdrawn all its offers, and the case stood 
open, the British Minister, at Washington, by order of his Govern- 
ment, offered arbitration. 

On the 27th December, 1845, Mr. Packenham wrote to Mr. 
Buchanan, as follows, viz. : 

*' An attentive consideration of the present state of affairs, with 
reference to the Oregon question, has determined the British 
Government to instruct the undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's 
Envoy, &c., again to represent, in pressing terms, to the Govern- 
ment of the United States, the expediency of referring the whole 
question of an equitable division of that Territory, to the arbitra- 
tion of some friendly Sovereign or State. 

" Her Majesty's Government deeply regret the failure of all 
their efforts to effect a friendly settlement of the confficting claims, 
by direct negotiation between the two Governments, 

" They are still persuaded that great advantages would have 
resulted to both parties, from such a mode of settlement, had it 
been practicable ; but there are difficulties, now, in the way, in 
that course of proceeding, which it might be tedious to remove, 
while the importance of an early settlement seems to become, at 
each moment, more urgent. 

" Under these circumstances, her Majesty's Government think 
that a resort to arbitration, is the most prudent and, perhaps, the 
only feasible step which could be taken, and the best calculated to 
allay the existing effervescence of popular feeling," &c. &c. 

To this, Mr. Buchanan replied on the 3d January, 1846, that — 

" This proposition assumes the fact, that the title of Great Bri- 
tain to a portion of the Territory, is valid, and thus takes for 
granted the very question in disputn. Under this proposition, the 
very terms of the submission, would contain an express acknow- 
ledgment of the right of Great Britain to a portion of the Ter- 
ritory, and would necessarily preclude the United States from 



20 

claiming the ^vhoIe, before the arbitration, and this too in the face 
of the President's assertion of the 30th of August, 1845, made in 
the most solemn manner, of the title of the United States to the 
whole Territory. This, alone, (Mr. Buchanan remarks) would be 
deemed sufficient reason for declining the proposition." 

To remove this difficulty, Mr. Packenham, on the 16th of Ja- 
nuary, 1846, addressed Mr. Buchanan, to inquire "whether, sup- 
posino- the British Government to entertain no objection to such a 
course, it would suit the views of the United States Government to 
refer to arbitration, not, (as has already been proposed) the ques- 
tion of an equitable partition of the Territory; but the question of 
title in either of the two powers to the whole Territory; subject, of 
course, to the condition, that if neither should be found, in the 
opinion of the arbitrator, to possess a complete title to the whole 
Territory, there should, in that case, be assigned to each that por- 
tion, wiiich would, in the opinion of the arbitrating power, be called 
for by a just appreciation of the respective claims of each." 

Mr. Packenham proposed a reference to some friendly Sovereign 
or State, or " to a mixed commission with an umpire appointed by 
common consent ; or, to a Board composed of the most distin- 
guished civilians and jurists, of the time, appointed in such a man- 
ner as shall bring all pending questions to the decisions of the most 
enlightened, impartial and independent minds." 

This proposition, also, Mr. Buchanan, in a note of the 4th of 
February, declines ; and for thus refusing it, he says one reason 
was alone conclusive on the mind of the President, and that was, 
" that he does not believe the territorial rights of this nation to be a 
proper subject of arbitration." 

Now, sir, how is this? What sort of new doctrine is here 
advanced ? Why, sir, I take it, that every question of boundary 
is a question of territory — and I take it that from the origin of our 
Government, from General Washington's time, under all succes- 



21 

sive administrations down to the present time, we have been in 
the habit of referring questions of boundary to arbitration. The 
Eastern questions, in General Washington's time, were referred to 
arbitration. Each Government appointed two Commissioners ; 
these four agreed upon a fifth ; or if they could not agree, he was 
selected by lot, and the Government remained bound by it from 
that day to this. This reference of disputed boundaries to some 
form of arbitration, has received the sanction of Washington, Jeffer- 
son, Madison, Jackson and Van Buren, and has always been sanc- 
tioned by the Senate and House of Representatives, and people. 
Now comes President Polk and says that, no question of territory 
ought to be referred to any arbitration, whatever, however consti- 
tuted. Well, what does this lead to? How are disputes between 
different Governments to be settled ? Yes — there's the infirmity of 
human nature. Two Governments, like two men, do not see their 
respective rights, in the same light. Is there no way to adjust this 
dispute, but to draw the sword? Who does not see that this doctrine 
leads directly to maintain the rights of the strongest? [Cheers.) 
Why, let us suppose a question of boundary between Russia and 
Sweden. There's a dispute about a boundary, or about national 
territory, which is the same thing. The parties cannot agree — 
His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, holds his right to the 
disputed territory to be clear and unquestionable. Sweden doubts 
it — she argues the question — she puts forth her own claim. But 
the Emperor is an inflexible fifty-four forty man, and still insists 
that his right is clear and unquestionable. Sweden then proposes 
arbitration, either to some friendly Sovereign, or to a Board of 
intelligent, independent, and distinguished private individuals. 
She offers to bring the matter, for decision, before the most en- 
lightened minds of the times. But His Majesty is of opinion, that 
a question of territory is not to be made the subject of arbitration — 



99 



and what thru remains to the weaker power, but submission or 
liopclcss .war .' 

Do not all perceive, that sentiments like these, lead only to esta- 
blish the power of the strongest ? That they withdraw public ques- 
tions, between nations, from all the jurisdiction of Justice, and all 
the authority of right; from the control of enlightened opinion, and 
the general judgment of mankind, and leave them entirely to the 
decision of the longest sword. I do not think this correspondence 
has raised the character of the United States, in the estimate of the 
civilized world. This spirit does not partake of the general spirit 
of the age. It is at war with that spirit, as much as it is at war 
with all our own history, from 1789 to the present day. The 
sense of modern times, the law of humanity, the honor of civilized 
States, and the authority of religion — all require, that controver- 
sies of this sort, which cannot he adjusted by the parties, them- 
selves, should be referred to the decision of some intelligent and 
impartial tribunal. And now, that none can doubt our ability and 
power to defend and maintain our own rights, I wish that there 
should be as little doubt of our justice and moderation. 

The remaining topic, and it is one of vast interest, connected 
with our foreign relations, is the present war with Mexico. As tha' 
is an existing war- — and as what we all say, in or out of Congress, 
will of course be heard or read, if thought worthy of l)eing read, 
in Mexico, as well as in the United States, I wish, for one, to 
speak with caution and care, as well as with candor, in every thing 
respecting it. Nevertheless there are some opinions connected 
with the history of this case, which I sincerely entertain and which 
I must avow. Now, gentlemen, allow me to go back and bring up 
in short the history of the whole case. Texas achieved her inde- 
pendence of Mexico unexpectedly, by bravery and good fortune, 
displayed and obtained in a single battle. Texas threw off the 



23 

dominion of Mexico, and for many years maintained a govern- 
ment of her own. That government was acknowledged by the 
Government of this country, and by the Governments of Europe. 
Mexico, nevertheless, did not acknowledge the independence of 
Texas. At the same time she made no effort to re-subjugate, or 
re-annex the Territory to herself In this condition things i-emained 
for many years. 

Here 1 am reminded of a very strange state of diplomatic things 
which existed in Washington, not long ago, growing out of these 
successive revolutions which have taken place in the world during 
the last thirty or forty years. There was at Washington a repre- 
sentative of Texas, but Texas was not acknowledged by Mexico. 
There was a representative of Mexico, but Mexico was not recog- 
nized by Old Spain. There was a minister from Old Spain ; but 
the present Dynasty of Spain was not recognized by Russia, and 
there was a Minister of Russia — all recognized by the Government 
of the United States. 

Now I am not about to go into a history of the annexation of 
Texas. I do not wish to revert to that. I . have to say, however, 
that according to my view of the case, the objections which were 
urged, and properly urged against the annexation of Texas, had 
no great relation to any claim of Mexico. They were, first, That 
the annexation of Texas, was not a fair exercise of constitutional 
power. I thought so — others thought so — but a majority in the coun- 
sels of the country overruled the objection. Second, That we had 
already territory enough, and that there was some degree of danger 
in extending our territory further than it was already extended ; 
but in the third place — and this was insurmountable in my judg- 
ment — that the annexation of Texas was to bring under the control 
of our government, and make part of this Union, a country 



24 

wliicli was tlien free from Slavery, but ^\■hich when annexed 
would become subject to slave population and slave representation. 
{Cheers.) That objection was insurmounta?jle in my mind, and 
would be so at all times, under all circumstances, and in all 
like cases. (^Applause.) 

In the fourth place, it was evident, and so was urged, and urged 
in Congress again and again, that the annexation of Texas inight 
lead to a war with Mexico. These are the four grounds upon 
which the annexation of Texas was opposed by those who did 
ojjposc it. Now, gentlemen, there is not a "man in the country who 
thinks less respectfully than I do of the Mexican Government. 

Unhappy, unfortunate, misei-able, Mexico, has nothing, and has 
had nothing that deserved to be called a government. When she 
broke olF the yoke of Spain, and proclaimed herself disposed to 
follow the example of the United States, and uttered the name of 
Washington with respect — professed to cherish free principles, a 
representative government, trial by jury, security of personal pro- 
perty — why, we all hailed her, and wished her well. But unfortu- 
nately the result has been, that she has had no. true representa- 
tive government — has had no government under the influence of 
representative principles. AH her Presidents from time to time 
have been men created through the pronunciamentos of the mili* 
tary — a fortunate general of to-day, supersedes him who was fortu- 
nate yesterday, and is unfortunate to-day. One military man seizes 
the government, and obtains what he can from the people, and uses 
it in maintaining an army — another man to-morrow, makes another 
seizure. of public or private property, and supersedes his predeces- 
sor. Meantime the people are the victims. " Quicquid delirant 
reges, plectunter Achivi." It has been one of the most irregular 
and bad governments in my judgment that has ever existed upon 



the face of the earth. But the annexation was completed. The 
western boundary was a matter about which disputes existed or 
must arise. There was as between us and Mexico, as there had 
between Texas and Mexico, no ascertained and acknowledged 
western boundary. 

This was the state of things after the annexation of Texas, and 
when the President began military movements in that direction. 
Now, gentlemen, that I may misrepresent nobody, and say nothing 
which has not been clearly proved by official evidence, I will pro- 
ceed to state to you three propositions, which, in my opinion, are 
fairly maintainable by the correspondence of the Government in 
its various branches and departments^ as officially communicated 
to Congress. 

1st. That the President directed the occupation of a territory by- 
force of arms, to which the United States had no ascertained 
title ; a territory which, if claimed by the United States, was also 
claimed by Mexico, and was at the time in her actual occupation 
and possession. 

The Texan Convention was to assemble July 4th, 1845, to pass 
the annexation. Before this date, to wit : on the 28th of May, 
General Taylor was ordered to move towards Texas ; and on the 
15th of June, he was instructed by a letter from Mr. Bancroft to 
enter Texas, and concentrate his forces on its " western boundary," 
and to select and occupy a position " on or near the Rio Grande," 
to protect what, in the event of annexation, will be our ivestern 
border y 

That the United States had no ascertained title to the territory, 
appears from Mr. Marcy's letter to General Taylor of July 30th, 
1845. General Taylor is there informed that what he is to 
" occupy, defend and protect," is " the territory of Texas, to tlie 
extent that it has been occupied by tlic i^^ople of Texas.'''' It 



26 

appears in tlie despatch last quoted, that this territory had been 
occupied by Mexico. 

Mr. Marcy goes on to say : " The Rio Grande is claimed to be 
the boundary between the two countries, and nj) to this boundary, 
you are to extend your protection, only excejJting any j'osts on the 
eastern side thereof which, am in the actual occupancy of Mexican 
forces, or Mexican settlements over which the Republic of Texas 
did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or 
shortly before that event." 

This makes it perfectly clear, that the United States had no 
ascertained title (and no apparent title) to this territory ; for it 
admits that Texas only made a claim to it, Mexico having an ad- 
verse claim, and having also actual possession. 

2nd. That as early as July 1845, the President knew as well as 
others acquainted with the subject, that this territory was in the 
actual possession of Mexico ; that it contained IMexican settlements, 
over which Texas had not exercised jurisdiction, up to the time 
of annexation. 

On the 8th of July, the Secretary of War wrote to General 
Taylor, that " This Department is informed that Mexico has 
some Military Establishments on the east side of the Rio Grande, 
which are and for some time have been in the actual occupancy 
of her troops." 

On the 30th of July, the Secretary wrote as already mentioned, 
directing General Taylor to except from his protection " any posts 
on the eastern side thereof," (of the Rio Grande) which are in the 
actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over 
wliich fill! Republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the 
period of annexation, or shortly before that event. 

It manifestly appeai-s to have been the intention of the President, 
from the 28th of May, down to the consummation of his purpose 



27 

to take possession of this territory by force of arms, however 
unwilHng Mexico might be to yichl it, or whatever might turn 
out on examination to be her rio;ht to retain it. 

He intended to extinguish the Mexican title by force ; otherwise 
his acts and instructions are inexplicable. 

The Government set up and afiirmed from the first that the Rio 
Grande was the Western boundary of Texas as appears from the 
letters to General Taylor of the 2Sth of May and 15th of 
June, 1845. 

On the 15th of June, General Taylor was instructed to take 
such a position "on or near the Rio Grande" as " will be best to 
repel invasion, and protect what in the event of annexation will be 
our Western boundary." In accordance with, there are,. also, the 
instructions of July 30th, to which I have already referred. 

On the 6th of August, the Secretary wrote to General Taylor, 
" although a state o[ war with Mexico, or an invasion of Texas by 
her forces may not take place, it is, nevertheless, deemed proper 
and necessary, that your force should be fully equal to meet with 
certainty of success, any crisis which may arise in Texas, and 
which would require you by force of arms to carry out the instruc- 
tions of the Government.'''' He is then, in the same, letter, author- 
ized to procure volunteers for Texas," &c. 

On the 23d of August, the Secretary instructed General Taylor 
thus : " Should Mexico assemble a large body of troops on the Rio 
Grande, and cross it with a considerable ibrce, such a movement 
must be regarded as an invasion of the United States, and the com- 
mencement of hostilities." He is then instructed how to assemble 
a large force," &c. die. 

On the 30th of August he was instructed, in case any Mexican 
force crossed the Rio Grande, " to drive all Mexican troops 
beyond it ;" that any attempt, by the Mexicans, to cross the river 



28 

with a considerable force, would be regarded as an invasion ; and 
that on such an event, namely — "in case of war, either declared 
or made manifest by hostile acts," he was not to confine his action 
within the territory of Texas. 

On the 16th of October, the Secretary wrote that, " The in- 
formation xchich we have liere^ renders it iwobahle that no serious 
attempts icill, at present, be made by Mexico to invade Texas." 
But is still instructed to hold the country between the Nueces and 
the Rio Grande. 

" Previous instructions will have put you in possession of the 
views of the Govei'nment of the United States, not only as to the 
extent of its territorial claims, but of its determination to assert 
them." 

He is instructed to put his troops into winter quarters, accord- 
ingly, as near the Rio Grande as circumstances will permit. Up 
to this time and to the 11th of March, 1846, General Taylor was 
at Corpus Christi. The open and decided step was taken on the 
13th of January, on that day the Secretary at War directed Gene- 
ral Taylor to march to the Rio Grande, and to take up a position 
opposite Matamoras. In so doing he is instructed, in case Mexico 
should declare war, or assume any open act of hostility, not to act 
merely on the defensive. 

Throughout the correspondence, it is plain that the intention was 
to extinguish the Mexican title to this territory by armed occupa- 
tion ; and the instructions are explicit, to treat every assertion of 
title or niuvement on the part of Mexico, as an act of hostility, and 
to proceed accordingly and resist it. 

To show how General Taylor understood the instructions of his 
Government, it may be observed that on the 2d of March, thirty 
miles from Matamoras, at a stream called the Arrayo Colarado, he 
was met by a party of Mexicans, whose commanding ollicer in- 



29 

formed him that if he crossed the stream it would be deemed a 
declaration of war, and put into his hand a copy of General Mejias's 
proclamation to that effect. 

General Taylor put his forces in order of battle, crossed the 
stream and pushed on — the Mexicans retreating. 

He arrived on the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, on the 29th 
of March. 

Let me now ask your attention to an extract of a letter from Mr. 
Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, of January 20th, 1846. In this letter, 
Mr. Buchanan says : 

" In the meantime the President, in anticipation of the final 
refusal of the Mexican Government to receive you, has ordered the 
army of Texas to advance and take position on the lefl bank of the 
Rio Grande ; and has directed that a strong fleet sliall be imme- 
diately assembled in the Gulf of Mexico. He will thus be prepared 
to act with vigor and promptitude, the moment that Congress shall 
give him the authority." 

Now, if by this advance of troops, possession would be taken on 
the extreme line claimed by us, ichat furtlier vigormis action did 
the President expect Congress to authorize ? Did he expect Con- 
gress to make a general declaration of war ? Congress was then 
in session. Why not consult it? Why take a step, not made 
necessary by any pressing danger, and which might naturally lead 
to war, without requiring the authority of Congress in advance? 
With Congress is the power of peace and war ; to anticipate its 
decision, by the adoption of measures leading to war, is nothing 
less than an Executive interference with Legislative power. No- 
thing but the necessity of self-defence, could justify the sending of 
troops into a territory, claimed and occupied by a Power, with 
which, at that time, no war existed. And there was, I think, no 
case of such necessity of self-defence. 



30 

Mr. Slidell replied to Mr. Buclianan on the 17th of February, 
saying : " the advance of General Taylor's force, to the left bank 
of the Rio (Irande, and the strengthening our squadron in the Gulf, 
are wise measures, which may exercise a salutary influence upon 
the course of this Government." 

The army was thus ordered to the extreme limits of our claim ; 
to our utmost boundary, as asserted by ourselves ; and here it was 
to be prepared to act further, and to act with pi'omptitude and 
vigor. 

Now, it is a very significant inquiry — did the President mean by 
this, to bring on, or to run the risk of bringing on, a general war? 
Did he expect to be authorized by Congress to prosecute a general 
war of invasion and acquisition ? I repeat the question, why not 
take the opinion of Congress, it then being in session, before any 
war-like movement was made ? 

Mr. Buchanan's letter is of the 20th of January. The instruc- 
tions to march to the Rio Grande had been given on the 13th. 
Congress was in session, all this time, in the City of Washington ; 
and why should, and why did, the Executive take an important 
step, not necessary for self-defence, and leading to immediate war 
without the authority of Congress 1 This is a grave question, and 
well deserves an answer. 

Allow me to repeat, for it is matter of history, that before and 
at the time when these troops were ordered to the left bank of the 
Rio Grande, there was no danger of invasion by Mexico, or appre- 
hension of hostilities by her. 

This is perfectly evident from General Taylor's letters to the 
Government, through the preceding summer, and down to the time 
the orders were given. 

I now refer to these letters : 



31 

On the 15th of August, General Taylor writes: "In regard to 
the force at other points on the Rio Grande, except the militia 
of the country, I have no information ; nor do I hear that the 
reported concentration at Matamoras is for any purpose of in- 
vasion." 

On the 20th of August, he says : " Caravans of traders arrive, 
occasionally, from the Rio Grande, but Ijring no news of import- 
ance. They represent that there arc no regular troops on that 
river, except at Matamoras, and do not seem to be aware of any 
preparations for a demonstration on this bank of the river." 

On the 6th of September, he writes thus : " I have the honor to 
report that a confidential agent, despatched some days since to 
Matamoras, has returned, and reports that no extraordinary prepa- 
rations are going forward there ; that the garrison does not seem to 
have been increased, and that our consul is of opinion there will be 
no declaration of war." 

On the 11th of October, he says : — 

" Recent arrivals fi'om the Rio Grande bring no news or infor- 
mation of a different aspect from that which I reported in my last. 
The views expressed in previous communications relative to the 
pacific disposition of the border people on both sides of the river 
are continually confirmed." 

This was the last despatch, I presume, received by the War 
Department, before giving the order of January 13th, for the 
march of the army. 

A month after the order of march had been given, all General 
Taylor's previous accounts were confirmed by him. 

On the 16th of February, he thus writes to the Adjutant General 
at Washington : — 

" Many reports will doubtless reach the department, giving ex- 
aggerated accounts of Mexican prc]»arations to resist our advance, 
if not indeed to attempt an invasion of Texas. Such reports have 
been circulated even at this place, and owe their origin to personal 



interests connected with the stay of the army here. I trust that 
they will receive no attention at the War Department. From the 
best information I am able to obtain, and which I deem as authentic 
as any, I do not believe that our advance to the banks of the 
Rio Grande will be resisted. The army, however, will go fully 
prepared for a state of hostilities, should they unfortunately be 
provoked by the Mexicans." 

This official correspondence proves, I think, that there was no 
danger of invasion, or of hostilities of any kind from Mexico, at 
the time of the march of the army. 

And it must be plain to every body, that the ordering the army 
to the Rio Grande was a step, naturally, if not necessarily, tending 
to provoke hostilities, and to bring on war. I shall use no inflam- 
matory or exciting language, but it seems to me that this whole 
proceeding is against the spirit of the Constitution, the just limi- 
tations of Departments, an act pregnant with serious consequences, 
and of dangerous precedent to the public liberties. 

No power but Congress can declare war ; but what is the value 
of this Constitutional provision, if the President of his own autho- 
rity may make such military movements, as must bring on war ? 

If the war power be in Congress, then every thing tending 
directly or naturally, to bring on war, should be releri'ed to the 
discretion of Congress, should it not ? Was this order of march 
given, in the idle hope of coercing Mexico to treat ? If so, idle it 
was, as the event proved. But it was something worse than a 
mistake, or a responsible blunder ; it was, as it seems to me, an 
extension of Executive authority, of a very dangerous character. 
I see no necessity for it, and no apology for it ; since Congress 
was in session at the same moment, at the other end of the Penn- 
sylvania Avenue, and might have been consulted. 

It will be contended, probably, that the conduct of the President 
was all sanctioned by Congress, by the act of May 11th, It has 
a Preamble, of which much has been said. I have only to remark 



33 

that a Preamble, or other declaration of a Legislative body, cannot 
create a fact, or alter a fact. 

I remember to have heard Chief Justice Marshall ask counsel, 
who was insisting upon the authority of an act of Legislation, if 
he thought an act of Legislation could create, or destroy, a fact, or 
change the truth of history. Would it alter the fact, said he, if a 
Legislature should solemnly enact, that Mr. Hume never wrote the 
history of England? A Legislature may alter the law, but no 
power can reverse a fact. 

I hardly suppose Congress, by the acts of the 11th of May, 
meant more than to enable the President to defend the country, 
to the extent of the limit claimed by him. 

If those who concurred in that act meant thereby to encourage 
the President to invade Mexico, and to carry on with the whole force 
committed to his charge, a war of acquisition to establish pro- 
vinces — to appoint governors — to call elections — to annex new 
worlds to the United States — if that was their intention they have 
never said it, and I for one do not believe it was their intention. 
{^Loud cheers^ But I repeat, gentlemen, I repeat that Mexico is 
highly unjustifiable in having refused to receive a Minister from the 
United States. My remarks on this subject, have been drawn 
forth by no sympathy with Mexico. I have no desire, God knows, 
to show my country in the wrong. But these remarks originate, 
purely, in a desire to maintain the powers of government as they 
are established by the constitution between the different depart- 
ments, and a hope that whether we have conquests or no con- 
quests — war or no war — peace or no peace — we shall yet preserve, 
in its integrity and strength, the Constitution of the United States. 
( Tremendous apjilause.) 

Gentlemen, nevertheless, war is upon us. Armies arc in the 
field, navies are upon the sea. We believe that the Government 

3 



34 

ought iiiimediately, in any honorable and satisfactory manner, 
to bring that war to a conclusion, if possible. \Ve believe that 
every reasonable effort should be made to put an end to this war. 
But while the war lasts — while soldiers are upon the land, and 
seamen on the sea, upholding the flag of the country, you feel, 
and I feel, and every American feels, that they must be succoured 
and sustained. [Thunders of applatise.) They bear the com- 
mission of their Government. They are under its order and con- 
trol. Their duty is obedience to superior command. They are 
engaged en a foreign service. They have done honor to the 
country to which they belong, and raised the character of its 
military prowess. 

I am behind no man in ascribing praise and honor to General 
Taylor and all his forces ; (^great applmise) and I am behind no 
man, and perhaps forward of most men, in the respect and admira- 
tion which I feel for the good conduct of the volunteers who have 
entered the field. {Great applause.^ We know no period in our 
history — there is nothing in our annals — which shows superior 
gallantry on the part of raw recruits, taken suddenly from the 
pursuits of civil life and put into military service. Where can 
we look for such steadiness, coolness, bravery and modesty, as 
in these volunteers. {Great applause.) The most distinguished 
incident in the history of our country — of the good conduct of 
militia — of new raised levies from amongst the people, is perhaps 
that of the battle of Bunker Hill. The gentleman who sits by me, 
though not of years to bear arms, was of years to be present, and 
to l(jok on and see others engaged in that conflict. He did all he 
could, he poured his fervent youthful wishes into the general cause. 
{Great applause.) I might go further, and say that at Bunker 
TTill, the newly raised levies and recruits sheltered themselves behind 
some temporary defences, but at Monterey, the volunteers assailed 



35 

a fortified city. (^Cheers.) At any rate, gentlemen, whatever we 
may think of the origin of the occasion which called them there, it 
is gratifying to see what we can do through the agency of military 
power whenever the exigencies of the country may require it. We 
do show, that without the expense or the danger of large standing 
ai-mies, there is military spirit enough, intelligence enough, per- 
severance, and patience and submission to discipline, enough, 
amongst the young men of the country, to uphold our stars and 
stripes, whenever the government may order them to be unfurled. 
{Great applause.^ 

I will now leave all topics connected with the foreign relations 
of the country, and pass to a consideration of some of the subjects 
connected with measures bearing upon our internal and domestic 
interests. Of these, there is one of just and great public import- 
ance ; and another, connected with which, hundreds and thousands 
of individuals have been made — shall I say it ? the victims of the 
exercise of the veto power. I speak of the Harbor Bill, and of 
the Bill making Indemnity for French Depredations on our com- 
mei'ce before 1800. 

There is, gentlemen, a clear veto power in the Constitution of 
the United States. There is an express provision, that the Pre- 
sident of the United States may withhold his approbation, if he see 
fit, from a law of Congress ; and unless, after reasons stated by 
him for so withholding his approbation, it shall be passed by two- 
thirds of both Houses, it fails of legal validity, and becomes a dead 
letter. 

This, in common discourse, we call the veto power. Something 
like it existed in ancient Rome. But the framers of our Constitu- 
tion, borrowed it from England, and then qualified it. By the 
Constitution of England, it theoretically exists absolutely in the 



36 

monarch, and without qualifioation. The fraincrs of our Constitu- 
tion in plarinn; it in the hands of the President, qualified it, so thafr 
if upon reconsideration of the same measure, two-thirds of both 
Houses concurred in it, the Bill should become a law, the Presi- 
dent's negative notwithstanding. 

In England, the power of the Crown to negative acts of Parlia- 
ment, has not been exercised since the reign of William III., nearly 
two hundred years ; and it has been generally said, that the reason 
is, that since that period, such has been the course of the British 
government in its administration, that the influence of the Crown, 
in one or both Houses of Parliament, connected with the power 
which the Crown possesses of dissolving Parliament, has been 
sufficient to prevent the passage of bills with which the Crown was 
not satisfied, without recourse to the exercise of the obnoxious veto 
power. Modern commentators say that influence, in this respect, 
has taken the place of prerogative. The King uses his influence, 
but never actually negatives bills presented to him. As I have 
said, our Constitution places the power in the hands of the Execu- 
tive in a qualified manner. It is good, unless two-thirds of the 
Houses concur in the measure. Well, rather a singular result has 
happened from this. 

I will not impute to Congress at any time, or to its members un- 
der any administration, any liability to corrupt influence; certainly 
not. But I suppose all will admit that frequently, and especially 
in party times, party connections, perhaps some little hope of 
office, some desire to benefit friends out of Congress, may soften 
opposition to particular measures, in particular men's minds, and 
may produce something, which if we would talk straight out, we 
might call " undue influence." (^Laughter.) It has happened, 
and if we arc curious in such researches, tu fix the chronology of 



37 

occurrences, we might find instances not very remote, in which 
persons still members of Congress, but who had failed in their re- 
election, or were pretty sure of failing, have concurred in certain 
measures ; and then, not being longer called on to serve their coun- 
try in the halls of Congress, and particularly unwilling that the 
country should lose their whole services, have condescended to take 
office under the Executive. (Roars of laughter and cheers.) 
Therefore the result in the practical administration of our govern- 
ment seems to be this: Some degree of influence may be ex- 
erted sufficient to bring one-third to concur with the sentiments of 
the administration ; and then the President, by his veto, overwhelms 
the other two-thirds ; so that if the purpose be to defeat a measure 
passed by majorities of both Houses of Congress, if influence will 
come in, and do one-third of the work ; Veto is ready to do the 
rest. (Laughs and cheers.) 

The first victim of the veto power, at the last session, was con- 
nected with what is called, though not very correctly. Internal 
Improvements. It was the Harbor Bill. 

I confess to a feeling of a great interest in that bill. Seeing 
nothing in it, as I thought, but such things as General Jackson's 
administration had approved, and Mr. Van Buren's administration 
had approved over and over again, I had no more apprehension 
that the President of the United States would veto that bill, than 
that he would veto an ordinary bill for the support of the army 
or navy. I was as much surprised when it was announced that, 
probably, he would send us the veto, as if it had been stated to me 
that he would veto a bill necessary to carry on the Government. 
But the veto did come. Now, gentlemen, that bill made an appro- 
priation of one million, thi'ee hundred thousand dollars, for certain 
harbor improvements, on the ocean, the gulf, the lakes, and the 



38 

great and important navigable rivers of the country. A work of 
peace, of improvement, of national progress. Something to carry 
us forward, in convenience and prosperity, and in the acquisition of 
wealth. Something to make permanent fixtures in the land, that 
should do us good, and all our posterity for ever. 

That was its object. The appropriation was small. The par- 
ticular objects were somewhat numerous. The amount was no 
burden, at all, upon the Treasury. In connection with its objects, 
not worth considering. And yet here comes the veto ! Well, now, 
what is to be done ? We cannot shut our eyes to what is around 
us. Here we are. This vast country — with the Ocean on the 
east, and the Gulf on the south, and the great Lakes on the north 
and the west, and these great rivers penetrating it through hun- 
dreds and thousands of miles, what are we to do? Is it not, of all 
countries in the world, that, for which nature has done mighty 
things, and yet calls most loudly for man to do his part ? (Loud 
cheers.) 

Providence has given us a country capable of impovement. It 
is not perfected ; we are called to do something for ourselves, to 
wake up, in this day of improvement, and do the deeds that belong 
to improvement, to facilitate internal intercourse, to furnish har- 
bors for the protection of life and property, to clear up the rivers, 
to do every thing, all, and singular, which a large and liberal 
policy will stimulate an intelligent people with abundance of 
means, to do ; in advancement of the national prosperity. ( Great 
applause.) We live in an age, gentlemen, when we are not to 
shut our eyes to the great examples set us, all over the eastern 
Continent. I mean the European Continent. I do not speak of 
England, where private enterprise and wealth have gone so far 
ahead. But look to Russia, to Prussia, to Saxony, to Sardinia, 



39 

every where we see a spirit of improvement, active, stimulated and 
persevering. We behold mountains penetrated by railroads, safe 
harbors constructed, every thing done by Government for the 
people, which in the nature of the case, the people cannot do for 
themselves, {Loud cheers.) 

Let us contemplate, for a moment, the Mississippi. This noble 
and extraordinary stream, with seven or eight millions of people 
on its banks, and on the waters falling into it, absolutely calls for 
harbors, for clearing out rivers, for the removal o^ snags and other 
obstacles to safe navigation. Who is to do this. Will any one of 
the States do it ? Can all of the States do it ? Is it the appropriate 
duty of any State or any number of States ? — No, no — we know it 
is not. We know that unless this Government be placed in the 
hands of men who feel that it is their constitutional authority and 
duty to make these improvements, they never will be made ; and 
the waters of the Mississippi will roll over snags, and snags, and 
snags, for a century to come. {Great cheering^ 

These improvements must come from the Government of the 
United States, or in the nature of things, they cannot come at all ,* 
and I say that every steamboat that is lost by one of these snags — 
every life that is sacrificed, goes to make up a great account 
against this Government. {Applause.) Why, what a world is 
there ! What rivers and what cities on their banks ! — Cincinnatti, 
New Orleans, St. Louis, Louisville, Natchez, and others that 
spring up while we are talking of them, or, indeed, before we begin 
to speak of them ; commercial marts, great places for the exchange 
of commodities along these rivers, which are so many inland seas, 
as it were ! And what ! the General Government no authority 
over them — no power of improvement ? Why, that will be thought 
the most incredible thing, hereafter, that ever was heard of. It 



40 

will not be believed, that it ever had entered into the head of any 
administration, that these were not objects deserving the care and 
attention of the Government. I think, therefore, that the Harbor 
Bill, negatived by the President, raises a vital question. This ques- 
tion was put in Congress, it has been put since, it was put at 
the polls. I put it, now, to be the question, whether these internal 
improvements of the waters of the lakes and rivers, shall be made 
or shall not be made ; and those who say they shall not be made, 
arc right to adhere to Mr. Polk ; and those who say they shall be 
made, and must be made, and that they will have them made, why 
then they have the work in their own hands, (ajjpluuse) and if 
they be a majority of the people, will do it. (^Renewed ap2')lause.) 

I do not know that we, of the east and north, have any espe- 
cial interest in this ; but I tell you what we of the east think, 
that we have an especial interest in. I have thought so, at least, 
ever since I have been in Congress, and I believe all my associates 
from Massachusetts have also thought so. We think we have an 
interest, and an especial interest, in manifesting a spirit of liberality 
in regard to all expenses for improvements of those parts of the 
country, watered by the Mississippi and the lakes. [Applause.) 
We think it belongs, both to our interest and our reputation, to 
sustain improvements on the Western waters. 

Now, gentlemen, what was the Harbor Bill of the last Session ? 

What was that bill, which both Houses passed, and the President 

vetoed ? Here it is. And although this bill had three readings in 

Congress, and one more when it came back, vetoed : I would ask 

for it a fifth reading, now. [Laughter.) Mr. Hone, of New York, 

here read the bill, as follows: 

Be it enacted by tlie Seriate and House of Representatives ofiJie 
United States of America, in Cojigress assembled. That a sum of 
money be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of 



41 

any unappropriated money in the Treasury, sufficient for the fol- 
lowing purposes, viz, : 

1836. J.* — For the continuation of the Breakwater structure at 
BurUngton, on lake Champlain, $15,000. 

1836. J. — For the continuation of the Breakwater structure, at 
Plattsburg, on lake Champlain, 815,000. 

1836. J. — For the repairs and working of the Steam Dredge, on 
lake Champlain, $9,000. 

For the improvement of the Harbor at Port Ontario, on 
lake Ontario, $40,000. 

1831. J.— For the improvement of the Harbor at Oswego, on 
lake Ontario, $10,000. 

1830. J. — For the improvement of Big Sodus Bay, on lake Onta- 
rio, $5,000. 

For the improvement of Little Sodus Bay, on lake On- 
tario, $5,000. 

1830. J. — For the improvement of the Harbor at the mouth of 

Genesee river, on lake Ontario, $10,000. 
1836. J. — For the improvement of the Oak Orchard Harbor, 
StateofNew York, $7,000. 

For the construction of a Dredge Boat, for lake Onta- 
rio and river St. Lawrence, $20,000. 

1831. J. — For repairing and improving the Harbor at Buffalo, on 

lake Erie, and the continuation of the Sea Wall for 

the protection of the same, $50,000. 
1830. J.— For improving the Harbor at Dunkirk, on lake Erie, 

$15,000. 

For improving the Harbor at Erie, on lake Erie, 

$40,000. 
1830. J.— For improving Grand River Harbor, on lake Erie, 

$100,000. 

1832. J. — For improving Ashtabula Harbor, on lake Erie, 

$10,000. 
1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Cleveland, on lake Erie, 

$20,000. 
1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Huron, on lake Erie, 

$5,000. 

For improving the Harbor at Sandusky city, on lake 

Erie, $11,000. 
1836. J. — For improving the River Raison Harbor, on lake Erie, 

$13,000. 
1836. J.— For constructing a Dredge Boat to be used on lake 

Erie, $20,000. 

* J. stands for Jackson. 



4>2 

1836. J. — For the improvement of the St. Clair Flats, so called, 
so as to prevent their obstructing the passage of ves- 
sels from Buffalo, to the ports on lake Michigan, 
$40,000. 

1830. J. — For improving the Grand River Harbor, on lake Mi- 

chigan, so as to give protection to vessels sailing on 
said lake, $10,000. 

For improving the Harbor at the mouth of Kalamazoo 
river, on lake Michigan, so as to give protection to 
vessels sailing on said lake, $10,000. 
183G. J. — For improving the Harbor at St. Joseph, on lake Mi- 
chigan, $10,000. 

1831. J. — For improving the Harbor at Michigan city, on lake 

Michigan, $40,000. 

For the improvement of Little Fort Harbor, on lake 
Michigan, $12,000. 

For improving the Harbor at Racine, on lake Michi- 
gan, $15,000. 

For improving the Harbor at Southport, on lake Mi- 
chigan, $10,000. 

1836, J. — For improving the Harbor at Mihvaukie, on lake Mi- 
chigan, $20,000. 

1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at Chicago, on lake Michi- 
gan, $12,000. 

For constructing a Dredge Boat, to be used on lake 
Michigan, $15,000. 

1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at St. Louis, $75,000. 

1836. J. — For constructing a Breakwater Structure, at Stamford 
Ledge, Maine, $20,000. 

1832. J. — For improving the Harbor of Boston, $40,000. 
1836. J. — For continuing the Works at Bridgeport, Connecticut, 

$15,000. 

For removing the obstruction at the Crook in the Har- 

bor of Providence, Rhode' Island, $5,000. 

1830. J.— For improving the Harbor at New Castle, Del. $15,000. 

1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Port Penn, Delaware, 
$5,000. 

1830. J. — For completing the Delaware Breakvvater, $75,000. 

For removing obstructions in Newark Bay, New Jer- 
sey, $15,000. 

1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at Baltimore city, $20,000. 
For the improvement of the Harbor at Havre de Grace, 
Maryland, $20,000. 

1832. J. — For the improvement of Savannah Harbor and the 
Naval Anchorage, near Fort Pulaski, $50,000. 



43 

1832. J. — For the improvement of the Great Wood Hole Harbor, 
Massachusetts, 81,450. 

1836. J. — For the continuing the improvements of the Naviga- 

tion of the Hudson river, above and below Albany, in 
the State of New Jersey, $75,000. 

1837. J. — For the improvement of tlie Ohio River, above the 

Falls at Louisville, $80,000. 

1830. J. — For the improvement of the Ohio river, below the Falls 

at Louisville, and of the Mississippi, Missouri and 
Arkansas rivers, #240,000. 

1831. J. — For removing the Raft of Red River, and for the im- 

provement of said river, $80,000. 
For repairs and preservation of Harbor Works hereto- 
fore constructed on the Atlantic coast, $20,000. 

Such, gentlemen, (continued Mr. Webster,) is an enumeration 
of the appropriations of this bill, running along the shores of 
the sea and the lakes down the Gulf and the rivers ; forty-nine 
objects in all. I notice but one important omission. I think there 
ought to have been a very liberal appropriation for the better navi- 
gation of Salt River ! [Roars of laughter, in which the ladies in 
the gallery heartily joined.) Now, this is the bill that the Presi- 
dent negatived, and I will shortly state to you his reasons, as I 
collect them from his Messages, and make such remarks on those 
reasons, as I may, whilst I go along. The President assumes that 
these harbors are internal improvements, and because there is no 
power vested in Congress, by the Constitution, under that specific 
head, he denies the existence of such a power, altogether. 

The course of the Government has been just the other way. 
The people have not only acquiesced in these improvements, but 
clamored for them, and they are now, very likely, to clamor again. 
He continues : 

[Mr. W. here read that portion of the veto message, in which 
the President assigns as a reason for the veto, that several of his 
predecessors had denied the constitutionality of Congress to make 
internal improvements.] 



44 

I know not whore, said Mr. ^Vobster. If ho intonds to say, that 
some of his predecessors denied the general power of making all 
kinds of internal improvements, if that be what he means, why, 
nobody contends that such a general power as that is in the Con- 
stitution. But then the question is, docs this belong to any such 
power? These works are not internal improvements, in that gene- 
ral sense ; they are harbor improvements, connected with com- 
merce, and the question is whether, as such, they are not provided 
for in the Constitution ? 

The President says that some of the objects provided for by the 
bill are local, and lie within the limits of a single State. Well I 
dare say they do. It would be somewhat remarkable if a harbor 
were found lying in two or three States. (^Laughter.) It would 
be rather a large harbor that would embrace parts of even Connec- 
ticut and Rhode Island ; two of the smallest of the States. The 
question is not whether the site be local, or whether the expenditure 
be local, but whether the purpose be general, a national purpose, 
and object. (^Apjdause.) 

As well might it be said that expenditure upon the Capitol was 
local and not provided for, as to say that expenditure upon a har- 
bor or breakwater, which is necessary for the general purposes of 
the commerce of the country, is a local expenditure made within a 
State, and therefore not constitutional. The President proceeds to 
say that the power exercised by Congress was novel. 

[Here several sentences were lost in consequence of interrup- 
tion by individuals in the vicinity of the Reporters.] 

The President draws a distinction between improvements for the 
benefit of foreign commerce, and those for the benefit of internal 
trade, and that these olijccts are for the benefit of internal trade 
only. 1 wonder, (said Mr. Webster) where he finds any authority 



45 

to found a distinction on that fact, even if it existed, which is 
hardly the case, I tliink, in any one instance. 

The President says that many of these appropriations were made 
for the first time, for these particular objects. Well, if appropria- 
tions had been made for them before, and they had been adequate, 
there would be no occasion for making new ones ; but the question is, 
are not these new objects in principle, like those, for which appropri- 
ations have been made, very many times. I think they are. {Much 
laughter.) Now let us not be carried away by a vague notion 
that the Constitution of the United States has no power to make 
internal improvements, and therefore does not authorize expendi- 
tures on a harbor. We are speaking of things not by any general 
name, not by classification or classes, we are speaking of things 
by phrases descriptive of the things themselves. We call a harbor, 
a harbor. If the President of the United States says that is a 
matter of internal improvement, why then, I say that the name 
cannot alter the thing, the thing is a harbor. And does not every 
one of these harbors touch navigable waters ? Is not every one of 
them on the shore of the sea, bay, gulf, or navigable river ? and 
are not the navigable waters of the ocean, and gulf, and bays and 
rivers, are they not all for commercial purposes out of the jurisdic- 
tion of the States, and in the jurisdiction of the United States? 

How can it be said that these are within the particular jurisdic- 
tion of the States? Wherever the money is so expended, it is ex- 
pended within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for pui-poses 
conceded to it by the Constitution ; that is to say, the regulation 
and protection of commerce. 

But let us now go to the origin of this power. Let us appeal 
from the opinions of the President of the United States to the writ- 
ten text of the Constitution ; and let us sec what that is. The 
power of the Government of the United States in this respect, is 



46 

expressed in the Constitution in a very few words. It says, that 
" Congress shall luvoe pmver to regulate commerce with foreign 
nations^ and among the several States, and icith the Indian 
tribes ! 

The whole force is concentrated in that word " regulate." Well, 
Mr. Polk himself admits that the word regulate as applied to facili- 
ties for foreign trade, does extend to the making of beacons, 
piers and light-houses ; but his whole message attempts to run a 
distinction between foreign trade, and trade between the States. 
But the power over each is given in the same clause of the 
Constitution, in the very same words, and is exactly of equal 
length and breadth with the other. If one is denied, both are 
denied — if one is conceded, both must be conceded. It is impossible 
to separate them by any argument or logical process, worthy of a 
statesman's mind. It is wholly arbitrary I say, without the least 
foundation, to say that Congress may make provision for a harbor 
accommodation for foreign commerce, and not for domestic trade. 
Is the latter not as important as the former 1 Is not the breakwater 
at the mouth of the Delaware Bay, as important for the trade of 
Philadelphia with New Orleans, as with Liverpool ? and so every 
where else ? Is not bur coasting trade one of the largest branches 
of our maritime interest, and can we yet do nothing for that? 

It is strange that any man should entertain the idea that such 
a distinction could be drawn. I have before me a long list of acts 
of Congress, of a good deal of importance, as I think, tending to 
show that the President is mistaken when he speaks of the acqui- 
escence and approbation of the people, in opinions adverse to Harbor 
improvements. The opinion, both of Congress and the people, 
seems quite the other way. Here is a list of provisions of this 
kind, made in Mr. Adams's time, in General Jackson's time, and 
in Mr. Van Buren's time, for exactly similar objects, and some of 



47 

them for the same objects; and I should take the pains, and tax 
your patience to read this list, if I had not another more con- 
vincing statement to make to you and which will close the consi- 
deration of this part of the subject. 

[Mr. "Webster kindly furnished the Reporter with the list, which 
is as follows :] 

By the Act of March 2d, 1829. 

Thirty thousand dollars for extending the pier of Black Rock 
Harbor, at the outlet of Lake Erie, to a point opposite Bird's 
Island. 

For removing obstructions at the entrance of the harbor of Big 
Sodus Bay, on Lake Ontario, twelve thousand five hundred dollars. 

For the improvement of the navigation of the Genesee River, in 
the state of New York, ten thousand dollars 

State of Ohio. — Seventy-five thousand dollars for improving the 
navigation of Conneaut Creek, by removing the bar at the mouth 
of the same. 

By the Act 23d April, 1830. 

For removing obstructions at the mouth of Huron 

River, Ohio, .--._--- $1,880 36 

For completing the removal of obstructions at the 

mouth of Grand River, Ohio, ... - 5,563 18 

For completing the improvements of Cleveland Har- 
bor, Ohio, ...---- 1,786 56 

For removing sand bar at or near the mouth of Black 

River, Ohio, - - 8,559 77 

For improving the navigation of Conneaut Creek, Ohio, 6,135 65 

For completing piers at the mouth of Dunkirk Har- 
bor, New York, 1,342 75 

For completing piers at Buffalo Harbor, New York, 15,488 00 

For extending the pier at Black Rock, - - - 3,198 00 

For improving the navigation of Genesee River, New 

York, -" 13,335 00 

For removing obstructions at the mouth of Big Sodus 

Bay, New York, - - ".-..■. " 15,28000 

For improving the navigation of the Mississippi and 

Ohio Rivers, 50,000 00 

By the Act of March 2d, 1831. 
For removing obstructions at the mouth of Huron 

River, Ohio, - - 3,480 00 

For removing sand bar at or near the mouth of Black 

river, Ohio, 9,275 00 



48 

For completing the removal of obstructions at the 

mouth of Grand River, Ohio, .... $5,680 00 

For removing obstructions at the mouth of Big Sodus 

Bay, New York, 17,450 00 

For completing piers at Oswego, New York, - - 2,812 92 

For securing the works of Oswego Harbor, New York, 

by a stone pier head and mole, .... 18,600 00 

For completing the pier at the mouth of Buffalo Har- 
bor, New York, 12,900 00 

For securing and completing the works at the harbor 

of Dunkirk, New York, 6,400 00 

For completing the improvements of Cleveland Har- 
bor, 3,670 00 

For completing the removal of obstructions at the 

mouth of Ashtabula Creek, Ohio, - - - 7,015 00 

For improving the navigation of Conneaut River, 

Ohio, 6,370 00 

For improving the navigation of Genesee River, New 

York, 16,670 00 

By the Act of June 2eth, 1834. 

For carrying on the improvements of Ocracock Inlet, 

North Carolina, 15,000 00 

For improving the navigation of Ohio, Missouri, and 

Mississippi Rivers, 50,000 00 

For improving the harbor of Chicago, Illinois, - 32,801 00 

For the piers at La Plaisance Bay, Slichigan, - - 4,895 00 

For continuing and securing the works at Oswego 

Harbor, New York, 30,000 00 

For completing the works at Genesee River, New 

York, on the present plan, .... 20,000 00 

For continuing the improvements of Black Rock Har- 
bor, New York, 12,000 00 

For completing the works at Buffalo, New York, - 20,000 00 

For completing and securing the works at Cleveland 

Harbor, Ohio, 13,315 00 

For repairing and securing the works at Grand River, 

Ohio, 10,000 00 

For securing the works at Black River, Ohio, - - 5,000 00 

For extending and securing the works at Huron River, 

Ohio, 6,700 00 

For continuing the improvements at Ashtabula Creek, 

Ohio, 5,000 00 

And for defraying the expense of surveys pursuant to the Act ol' the 
30th of April, 1824— including arrearages for 1333, S29,000, of 



49 

which sum ^5,000 shall be appropriated and appUed to geolo- 
gical and mineralogical survey and researches. 

By the Act of March 3d, 1835. 

For improving the harbor at Chicago, in addition to 

the balance of former appropriations, - - - $32,800 00 

For securing the works at Black River, - - - 4,400 00 

For continuing the improvement at Ashtabula Creek, 

in addition to the balance of former appropriations, 7,591 00 

For completing the works at Genesee river, - - 2,390 00 

For improving the navigation of the Ohio River, below 

the Falls, and the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, 50,000 00 

For the improvement of the navigation of the Ohio River between 
Pittsburgh and the Falls of the Ohio, 850,000, to be expended 
under the direction of the War Department, and under the care 
of a Superintendent for that part of Ohio. 

For completing the removal of the obstructions to the navigation 
of Red River, in addition to the appropriation of $50,000, made 
at the last session of Congress, the sum of §50,000. 

For improving the navigation of the Arkansas River, 

and for constructing a boat with an iron hull, - $40,000 00 

By tlie Act of July 1th, 1838. 

For continuing the improvements of the harbor of Chi- 
cago, Illinois, 30,000 00 

For continuing the construction of a harbor at Michi- 
gan city, Indiana, - . . . . . 60,733 59 

For continuing the construction of a pier or break- 
water, at the mouth of the river St. Joseph, Michigan, 51,113 00 

For the continuation of the works at the harbor near 

the mouth of the river Raisin, Michigan, - - 15,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the harbor at 

White Hall,"New York, 15,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the Channel at the 

mouth of the Genesee River, New York, - - 25,000 00 

For continuing the removal of obstructions at Black 

River, Ohio, 5,000 00 

For continuing the removal of obstructions at the 

mouth of the Huron River, in Ohio, - - - 5,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the navigation at 

the mouth of Vermilion River, Ohio, - - - 3,626 57 

For continuing the improvement of Cleveland Harbor, 

Ohio, 51,856 GO 

For continuing the removal of obstructions at Cun- 
ningham Creek, Ohio, 5,000 00 

4 



50 

For (•untimiiiig the removal of obstructions at Ashta- 
bula Creek', Ohio, 8,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of Dunkirk Harbor, 

New York, 10,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the harbor of Port- 
land, Lake Erie, New York, .... 35,466 00 

For continuing the improvements of the harbor at 

Cattaraugus Creek, Lake Erie, New York, - - 32,410 00 

For continuing the improvement of the harbor of 

Salmon River, Lake Ontario, New York, - - 30,000 00 

For continuing the construction of a Breakwater at 

Plattsburgh, New York, 27,500 00 

For continuing the improvement of the harbor at the 

mouth of Oak Orchard creek, New York, - - 5,000 00 

For continuing the improvement at Big Sodus Bay, 

New York, 10,000 00 

For continuing the Pier and Mole at Oswego Harbor, 

New York, - 46,067 00 

For continuing the construction of a Breakwater at 

Burlington, Vermont, ..... 50,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the Cumberland 

River in Kentucky and Tennessee, below Nashville, 20,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the Ohio River, 

between the Falls and Pittsburgh, - - - 50,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the Ohio and Mis- 
sissippi Rivers from Louisville to New Orleans, - 70,000 00 

For continuing the improvement of the Mississippi 
river, above the mouth of the Ohio and the Missouri 
river, - - - 20,000 

For continuing the removal of obstructions in Grand 

river, Ohio, 10,000 

For continuing the Works at Buffalo, - - - 20,500 

For erecting a Mound or Sea Wall along the Peninsula 
which separates lake Erie from Buffalo Creek, to 
prevent the influx of the Lake over said Peninsula, - 48,000 

For the Improvement of the Arkansas river, - - 40,000 

And he it further enacted. That the several sums ap[)ropriated 

by the first section of this act, which exceed twelve thousand dollars 

each, one half thereof, if the public service require it, shall be paid 

out during the year 1838, to be applied to the objects above speci- 
fied, and the other half, in like manner, in the year 1839." 

I have already placed before you the bill, (continued Mr. W.) 
the Harbor Bill, as it passed both Houses, last Session. Some of 
its enactments were read by my friend near me, Mr. Hone ; and 



51 

now let me add, that I have caused the objects of expenditure and 
appropriation in that bill, to be carefully examined, and former 
legislation, in regard to these several objects to be investigated ; and 
now I state to you the result. Here are forty-nine distinct objects 
of appropriation, in this bill of last Session ; and I say to you that 
out of this list of forty-nine, thirty-three of them are the identical 
objects for which appropriations were made under the authority of 
General Jackson, in his time. (^Cheers.) Well, then, there remain 
sixteen; and I say io you that, upon cai'eful examination, it will 
appear that these sixteen objects that have grown up since the time 
of Genei'al Jackson, and which Congress thought proper to pro- 
vide for in this bill, are every one harbors, connected with the 
external trade of the country, and, therefore, strictly within Mr. 
Polk's own rule. {Cheers.) 

Gentlemen, I leave this question. In the free discussions that 
have taken place on it, in and out of Congress, the argument is 
exhausted. The question is, whether we-are convinced, and whether 
we are to stand up to our convictions. The question is, whether 
the great West, so important a part of the country, bearing its 
share of all the common burdens, is to be struck out of all partici- 
pation in the benefits which are bestowed upon other portions of the 
Union? (^Cheers.) I think net. The question is put already. I 
expect to hear an answer to it from the North, the Northwest, and 
the South. But, then, I do not rely upon Conventions at Memphis 
or St. Louis ; I do not rely on resolutions. I rely on the disposi- 
tion of the people to understand what their constitutional rights are, 
and then to take care that those constitutional rights shall be fairly 
protected, by being intrusted to proper hands. 

Gentlemen, before I leave this part of the subject, I must say a 
word upon an important Report made to the Senate at the last 



52 

Session, by a Committee, to whom the resolutions, passed by the 
Memphis Convention, were referred. A distinguished Senator from 
South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun) was Chairman of the Committee, 
and framed that elaborate report. So far as he admits any thing 
done by Congress to have been rightfully done, and admits any 
degree of authority in Congress to do what has not yet been done, 
I concur with him. The rest I reject ; for I do not think the dis- 
tinctions taken^ by that eminent man, are sound. I regret that it 
is my misfortune to differ from him. 

The report proposes, I may state in brief, that where a river 
divides two States, or only two States are concerned, these two 
States must make the necessary improvements, themselves. I do 
not agree with that ; I do not suppose that it is any matter of con- 
sequence whether the necessary improvements are connected with 
two States, or four, or only one. 

It is not a question of location — it is a question of public import- 
ance. Look, for instance, at that portion of the North river which 
runs between two shores, both of which belong to New York. 
There, I suppose, the power of Congress over Governor Marcy's 
overslaugh farm, as it is called, is as perfect as it is to make a 
similar improvement further down where the river divides the States 
of New York and New Jersey. The distinction attempted, as it 
strikes me, is a distinction without a difference. 

Well, having thus alluded in the most respectful manner to the 
Report of the Committee of the Senate, and not having time to dis- 
cuss its propositions at any considerable length, I will now, by 
way of conclusion, give to you my opinion on all this question of 
the power of making harbors. 

In my opinion, Congress has the power to make harbors on the 
rivers and on the lakes, to the full extent to which it has ever pro- 
posed to exercise such power. 



53 

That whether these proposed harbors be judged useful for foreign 
commerce, or only for commerce among the States, themselves, 
the principle is the same, and the constitutional power given in the 
same clause, and in the same words. 

That Congress has power to clear out obstructions from all 
rivers suited to the purposes of commerce, foreign or domestic, and 
"to improve their navigation and utility, by appropriations from the 
Treasury of the United States. 

That, whether a river divide two States, or more tlian two, or 
run through two States, or more than two, or is wholly confined to 
one State, is immaterial, provided its importance to commerce, for- 
eign or domestic, be admitted. 

For example, the North river is a navigable tide water river, for 
many miles, while running entirely within the territory of the State 
of New York. Yet, I suppose the removing of obstructions in this 
part of the river, is as fully within the power of Congress, as the 
removing of obstructions in other parts of the river where it divides 
New York from New Jersev. 

I think it wholly immaterial, whether a proposed improvement 
in a river for coinmercial purposes, be above or below, an actually 
existing port of entry. 

If instead of clearing out the rocks, and in that manner im- 
proving the channel of a river, it is found better to make a canal 
around falls which are in it, I have no doubt whatever of the power 
of Congress to construct such a canal. I tiiink, for instance, that 
Congress has the power to purchase the Louisville canal around the 
Falls of the Ohio ; and that it ought to exercise that power now, if 
the work can be purchased for a reasonable price ; and that the 
canal should then be free to all who have occasion to use it, 
reserving such tolls, only, as should be sufficient to keep the works 
in repair. 



54 

It seems to me that these propositions all flow from the nature of 
our Government, and its equal power over trade with foreign 
nations and among the States ; and from the fact resulting from 
these powers, that the commerce of the United States is a unit. 

I have no conception of any such thing, as seems to be thought 
possible by the Report of the Committee of the Senate, that is, an 
external commerce existing between two States, carried on by laws 
and regulations of their own, whether such laws and regulations 
were adopted with or without the consent of Congress. 

I do not understand how there can be a Pennsylvania vessel, 
built, manned, and equipped under Pennsylvania laws, trading as 
such Pennsylvania vessel with New York or Maryland, or having 
any rights or privileges not conferred by acts of Congress ; and 
consequently that the idea is unfounded, which supposes that when 
only two States are interested in the navigation of a river, or its 
waters touch the shores of only two States, the improvement of such 
river is excluded from the power of Congress, and must be left 
to the care of the two States themselves, under an agreement, 
which they may enter into, with the consent of Congress, for that 
purpose. 

In my opinion, the provision of the Constitution which forbids a 
State from entering into any alliance, compact, or agreement with 
another State, without consent of Congress, can draw after it no such 
conclusion as that, with the consent of Congress, two States ought 
to be bound to improve the navigation of a river which separates 
their territories; and that, therefore, the power of Congress to 
make such improvements, is taken away. A river flowing between 
two States, and two States only, may bo highly important to the 
commerce of the whole Union. It can hardly be necessary to dis- 
cuss this point. It is sufficient to say that the whole argument is 
founded on the notion that the Constitution prohibits more than two 



55 

States from entering into agreements, even ivith the consent of 
Congress. 

This is manifestly untenable. The Constitution extends as fully 
to agreements between three, four, or five States, as between two 
only ; and the consent of Congress makes an agreement between 
five as valid as between two. If, therefore, two States can improve 
rivers with the consent of Congress, so can five or more ; and, if it 
be a sufficient reason for denying the power of Congress to improve 
a river in a particular case, that two States can, themselves, do it, 
having first obtained the assent of Congress, it is an equally valid 
reason in the case where five or ten States are concerned. They 
too may do the same thing, with the consent of Congress. The 
distinction, thei'efore, between what may be done by Congress, 
where only two States are concerned with a river, and what may 
be done in cases where more than two are so connected, entirely 
vanishes. I hold the whole doctrine of the report of the Com- 
mittee, on this point, to be unsound, I am also of opinion that 
there is no difference between the power to construct a pier, and 
the power to construct a harbor. I think that a single pier, of 
itself, affords a degree of shelter and protection from winds and 
seas ; that two parallel piers make a harbor ; and that, if one pier 
may be rightfully constructed, it is no extravagant stretch of con- 
stitutional power to construct another. In fine, I am of opinion 
that Congress does, constitutionally, possess the power of establish- 
ing light-houses, buoys, beacons, piers, breakwaters, and harbors, 
on the ocean, the gulf, the lakes, and the navigable rivers ; that it, 
does constitutionally possess the power of improving the great rivers 
of the country, clearing out their channels by deepening them or 
removing obstructions, in order to render navigation upon them 
more safe for life and property; and that, for the same reason, 



56 

Congress may construct canals around falls in rivers, in all neces- 
sary cases. 

All this authority, in my opinion, flows from the power over 
commerce, foreign and domestic, conferred on Congress by the 
Constitution ; and, if auxiliary considerations, or corroborative 
argument be required, they are found in two facts, viz. : — 1st, That 
improvements, such as have been mentioned, whether on the ocean 
or the gulf, on the lakes or the rivers, are improvements which, 
from their nature, are such as no single State, nor any number of 
States, can make, or ought to be called on to make. All idea of 
States undertaking such improvements is, in my opinion, prepos- 
terous. And, in the second place, as all the revenues derived from 
commerce accrue to the General Government, and none of it to 
the States, the charge of improving the means of commerce and 
commercial intercourse, by such works as have been mentioned, 
properly devolves on the Treasury of that Government, and on 
that Treasury alone. 

I had intended to discuss, at length, the President's veto of the 
Bill for Indemnity to the sufferers under French spoliations before 
1800. I must omit much of what I had intended to say on that 
subject, but I will state the history of it in as few words as possible, 
so that there may be no mistake or misapprehension. 

On the breaking; out of the French Revolution, French priva- 
teers, for whose conduct the Government of France was respon- 
sible, made, and continued to make, spoliations on American com- 
merce. The United States remonstrated, and sent embassy after 
embassy to France. The French Government repeatedly promised 
indemnification. Now, the French Revolution broke out in 1793, 
and between that year and 1800, a vast amount of American 
property was illegally seized by French cruisers, for which our 



51 

Government demanded indemnity. France repeatedly promised 
compliance with these demands ; but, by the treaty of 1800, France 
having asserted certain claims against the United States, growing 
out of the treaty of alliance of 1778, and the American Govern- 
ment pressing these claims for spoliations, at the same time the 
result was, without going into any unnecessary detail of the nego- 
tiation, an agreement between the two Governments, that, if France 
would relinquish all claim on her part to the fulfilment of the treaty 
of 1778, the United States would relinquish all claims of our citizens 
on France, for spoliations up to that time. That was the result of 
the arrangement between the two Governments. The wars con- 
tinued. Other depredations were made ; and after the peace of 
Europe and the restoration of the Bourbons, and, indeed, after the 
accession of the present King of France, in 1831, the United States,. 
through the agency of Mr. Rives, in Paris, negotiated a treaty with 
France for the satisfaction of claims of American citizens. The 
terms were general. They embraced all claims, and twenty-five 
millions of francs, or five millions of dollars, were appropriated by 
the Government of France, to pay these claims, and a commission 
was appointed by the Government of the United States, to whom 
was left the distribution of this fund. This Commission sat at 
Washington. Persons brought in their claims. One man said, 
" My ship was captured in 1801 ; here are my papers ; my loss 
was $50,000." Very well ; he was paid. But here comes another, 
whose ship was captured in '99, and he says : " I have a good 
claim ; I had a ship properly documented, seized by French 
cruisers, condemned, and confiscated. Here is the register and 
bill of lading ; my damages are $50,000." But the Commis- 
sioners say, you are not to be admitted to partake in this fund, 
because the Government of the United States, by the treaty of 
1800, for a consideration useful and of great value to itself, relin- 



58 

quishcd to France, all claims, up to that time. Well, then, these 
claimants have come to Congress for redress, insisting, that as the 
Government did, in fact, apply their claims to its own use, it 
ought to indemnify the claimants, and Congress, at the last Ses- 
sion, passed a bill for their indemnity. Mr. Polk vetoed the bill. 
Well, this is interference of the veto power with cases of private 
right. (Applause.) Here is no Constitutional question. 

What is Mr. Polk's answer ? T have said, and I repeat it, that 
the whole argument is trivial. It wants the dignity of an argu- 
ment. He says, for instance, " you have been long before Con- 
gress ; there is no more reason to pay you now than there was 
near half a century ago." (Shouts of laughter.) In the first place, 
this is not true in fact ; for until within less than twenty years 
it had not been decided that the claimants had no right to call 
further on France. But suppose it was so. Suppose that these 
claimants, in pursuance of a just debt, had called upon Congress, 
irom year to year, and been put off by one evasion or another, 
but had at last succeeded in convincing Congress that the debt 
ought to be paid. Is it any reason for negativing the bill, to say, 
that there was no more reason to pay them now than twenty years 
ago 1 I hasten to leave this, but will not without making one remark. 
There are opponents of the Administration who are actuated only 
by political dissatisfaction and political dislike ; but the Executive, 
by the veto of this bill, which deprives so many poor persons, 
widows, and orphans of their last hope, has touched the hearts of 
hundreds and thousands, with something much stronger than mere 
political dislike. ( Tremendous applause.) 

The next great subject is the recent Tariff, which I discussed 
at the time it was established, and about which I liave nothing 
new to say. My object is, and has been, in every thing connected 
with the protective policy — the true policy of the United States 



59 



to see, that the labor of the country, the eiDployment of the coun- 
try, is properly provided for. I am looking not for a law, such as 
benefits the capitalists — they can take care of themselves — but for 
a law that shall induce capitalists to employ their capital in such a 
manner, as shall occupy and employ American labor. 

I am for such laws as shall induce capitalists not to with- 
hold their capital from actual operations, giving employment to 
thousands of hands. I look to capital, therefore, in no other view 
than as I wish it drawn out and used for the public good, and the 
employment of the labor of the country. Now on this subject I 
shall hand to the gentlemen of the press, a series of Resolutions 
passed in Massachusetts, which I have not time to read, but which 
entirely embody my own sentiments. 

" Resolved, That the passage of the Tariff Bill of 1846, adopt- 
ing new and vicious principles in our revenue system, is a por- 
tentous experiment, threatening disturbance and injury to the great 
interests of the country. 

" Resolved, That from the first establishment of the Federal 
Government, two principles have been embodied in our revenue 
laws ; the first, that, as far as practicable, all duties should be spe- 
cific, as most simple in collection, and most secure against fraud ; 
the other, a discrimination in the rates of duty, whh a vievv^ to fos- 
ter and protect the industry of the country, and to invite capital 
into the establishment of manufactures." 

These principles, directly recognized in the first act of Con- 
gress, in 1789, more fully developed in 1816, and in subsequent 
acts of legislation, were fully consummated in the act of 1812 ; an 
act which, moderating and reducing the protective duties of the act 
of 1832 — an act receiving the sanction of nearly the entire Demo- 
cracy of the country — was prepared with more labour and care, it 
is believed, than had been bestowed on any previous revenue law. 

" Resolved, That under this system the whole country has pros- 
pered in a degree which has no parallel in the history of nations. 



[ 



60 

While the western wilderness has been giving, place to cultivation 
and civilization, the older States have been transplanting and esta- 
blishing the arts and manufactures of Europe, thus converting the 
whole country into a scene of active industry, in which diversified 
labor, mutually exchanging its products on terms of equality, real- 
izes a remuneration and reward wholly unknown in the overpeo- 
pled countries of the Old World. 

" liesoh'cd, That we deprecate the changes introduced by the 
Tariti'of 184G, ibr the following reasons: 

" We deprecate the change from specific to ad valorem duties, as 
atFordintf increased facilities for fraud — as settincr aside the lijiht of 
all experience, and the opinions of all commercial men. We depre- 
cate it as a revenue measure, inasmuch as it reduces the revenue 
upwards of five millions of dollai's on the average importation of 
the last three years, while our war expenditures require a great 
increase of revenue, and are actually met by an increase of debt in 
the issue of Treasury notes. We deprecate the principles of attempt- 
ing to provide for this deficiency by an increased importation of 
products, to come in competition with our own, displacing and pa- 
ralyzing to an equal extent our own industrj^, and eventually pro- 
ducing a great reduction in the wages of labor. 

" Wc further deprecate the principle of increasing the importa- 
tion of foreign manufactures, always tending to excess, and to 
causing the exportation oi" specie in return, the fruitful source of 
deranirement in our currency, and of embai'rassment in all branches 
of trade and industry. Wc deprecate the sudden change, as wan- 
tonly sporting with the interests of capital invested under the im- 
plied pledge of Government for its continued protection. But we 
deprecate it far more as wantonly sacrificing the interests of labor 
by opening upon it the foreign competition of the under-fed and 
over- worked labor of Europe, the avowed purpose of the new policy. 
We deprecate it as the result of Executive dictation and stringent 
party discipline, adopted under the coercion of a mijiority, with- 
out examination and without discussion, against the sober judgment 
of a majority of both Houses of Congress. 

" Resolved, Tliat the allegation that the protective system favors 
capital more than labor, is equally contradictory to every sound 
principle of political economy, to all experience, and to common 
sense. Whilst capital is considered necessary to set labor in motion, 
it is an admitted |>rinciple that there is a uniform tendency, in capi- 
tal employed in different pursuits, to an equalization of profits 
through a free com|)etition. Whilst other propositions are disputed, 
this is never contested. It is confirmed by all our experience. 
Every branch of manufacture which has been successful, has been 
sul)jected to occasional checks and embarrassments through over- 
action. The prosperity which has followed the establishment of 



61 

fhe tariff of 1842, has led to new construction and new cxpeiidi- 
tures in all .branches of industry, beyond any Ibrnier precedent. 
In fact, we are. told by the friends of the Administration, as if in 
double mockery of their own reasoning, and our apprehensions, 
that the mcmvfactitrer has more, to fear from home comj^ctition and 
over-production, than from any foreign competition uhicli can 
reach him under the present tarif. It is, in fact, obvious to the 
most simple understanding, that the investment of capital in works 
which can only be made productive by the employment of many 
hands, is putting capital in the power of labor, rather than in a 
position to control it. 

" Resolved, That the assertion, so oft repeated, that the taritl" of 
1842 has operated as an unequal tax upon the laboring classes, in 
the manufactures consumed by them, is wholly destitute of truth. 
Our application of manufacturing industry has always been made, 
in the first instance, to those productions requiring little labor in 
proportion to the raw material. In these, the success has been 
greatest, and it is notorious that, in the manufacture of cotton, wool, 
leather, hats, etc., the common articles used by the laboring classes, 
are produced at prices which may defy all foreign competition. 
Even the cotton minimum, the object of so much undeserved oblo- 
quy, is well known to be all but nominal in respect to the lower 
branches of the manufacture, and that its only actual effect was to 
levy a high duty on its higher branches, on what may well be 
termed luxuries. 

" Resolved, That while the loss of capital by this change of sys- 
tern is sudden and determinate, the effect upon labor will be a con- 
tinuous wastincr disease, with no remedy but the retracing our steps. 

" Resolved^^ Thai the high reward o"f labour, in all its branches, 
is the peculiar advantage of our country — is intimately connected 
with the general diffusion of education and intelligence, and is the 
best security for the permanence of our free institutions. The pro- 
tective system acts as the proper guardian of this boon. 

" Resolved, That while we welcome and approve the repeal of 
the British corn laws eis a concession and benefit to the depressed 
labor of England, by increasing its means of subsistence, the Go- 
vernment is acting a very different part towards our own labor, in 
opening its prodiicts to a free competition with those of the under- 
paid laborers of Europe. 

« Resolved, That the principles of free trade advocated by the 
modern economists of Europe is founded on a state of society essen- 
tially different from our own. It contemplates labor in excess, con- 
tent with a bare subsistence, and with no hope of improving its con- 
dition. It regards only the profits of capital. With us labor is 
active in accumulation for itself; going hand in hand with capital, 



Q2 

and requiring especially the shield of the protective system against 
foreign interference. 

" Therefore resolved, That it is the duty of the Whig party, and 
of all friends of their country, to urge upon Congress the duty of 
revising and modifying the existing tariff, of 1846, so that it may 
furnish revenue sufficient for the wants of the Government, and 
re-establishing the principle of specific duties in all practicable 
cases, and of discrimination in the rates of duty with a view to 
foster and protect the industry of the country in all its branches. 

" Resolved, That, whilst Massachusetts is deeply interested in 
the protection of her capital, and her labor devoted to manufac- 
turing and the mechanic arts, it is a great mistake, propagated for 
party purposes, and received by a too easy credulity, that protection 
is a local or party policy. We esteem it a policy equally favorable 
to every part of the country, and to all the States of the Union." 

Now, I will say, at once, that I am for protection, (cheers,) 
ample, permanent— founded on just principles ; and the next thing 
I have to say is, that, in my judgment, the principles of the act of 
1842, are the true principles — (loud atid lofig continued cheering) 
—^specific duties, and not ad valorem assessment ? (cheering) just 
discrimination; and, in that just discrimination, gi'eat care not to tax 
the i*aw material so high as to be a bounty to the foreign man- 
ufacturer and an oppression on our own. Discrimination and spe- 
cific duties, and such duties as are full and adequate to the purposes 
of protection. These are the principles of the act of 1842. (Great 
cheering and loud applause.) And whenever there is presented 
to me any proposition, from any quarter, which contains adequate 
protection, founded on those indispensable principles, I shall take 
it. ( Thunders of applause.) My object is to obtain, the best way 
I can, and when I can, and as I can, full and adequate, and tho- 
rough protection to the domestic industry of the country, upon just 
principles. (Loud cheering^ 

And in the next place, I have to say that, I will take no part in 
any tinkering of the present law, while its vicious principles remain. 
And, in the next place, I desire to say that, the great responsibility 



63 

of the administration, as far as I am concerned, they shall not get 
rid of, by any tinkering, with a view to particular political interests. 
{Great cJtcering.) Allow me to say, frankly, ye iron men, and ye 
coal men of Pennsylvania, I know you are incapable of com- 
promising in such a case ; but if you were, and any inducements 
were held out to you to make your iron a little softer, and your 
coal burn a little clearer, while you left the hand-loom weaver * * 
(TIi€ loud shouts of "-IJo! ho!'' and vociferous cheering ivhich 
liere burst forth, drowned the remainder of the sentence.^ 

I understand there are seven thousand hand-loom weavers in 
the city and county of Philadelphia ; that their wages have hitherto 
averaged five dollars a week ; that the ad valorem duty, as applied 
to cottons, affects them very injuriously, in its tendency to reduce 
wages and earnings ; especially as the wages of a hand-loom 
weaver, in Scotland, hardly exceeds one dollar and seventy-five 
cents or two dollars per week. What the precise result may be, 
remains to be seen. The carpet-weavers, it is said, may find some 
indemnity in the reduced price of wool. If this be so, it only 
shows that the loss is shifted from the weaver to the wool grower. 
Washington county, Fayette county, and other counties, in this 
State, will probably learn how this is. 

It has been estimated that the value of manufactures in the city 
and county of Philadelphia, scarcely falls short of the value of 
those at Lowell ; and their production, it is supposed, employs 
more hands here than are employed in Lowell. 

Gentlemen, on the Tariff I have spoken so often and so much, 
that I am sure no gentleman wishes me to utter the word again. 
There are some things, however, worth while to remember. Of 
all countries in the world England, for centuries, was the most 
tenacious in adhering to her protective principles, both in matters 
of commerce and manufacture. 



64 

She has of late years relaxed, having found that her position 
could afford somewhat of free trade. She is skilful — she has vast 
machinerv and vast capital — she has a dense population — a cheaply 
working, because a badly fed and badly clothed, population. She 
can run her career, therefore, in free trade. We cannot, unless 
willing to becorne badly fed and badly clothed also. Gentlemen, 
for the gymnastics, men strip themselves naked, and for this strife 
and competition in free trade our laborei*s must strip themselves 
naked, also. [Loud cheeis.) 

It is, after all, an insidious system, in a country of arts, attain- 
ments, and varied pursuits of labor, and different occupations of 
life. If all men in a country were merely agricultural producers, 
free trade would be very well. But where divers employments 
and pursuits spring up and exist together, it is natural that they 
should succour and support one another, and defend all against 
dangerous foreign competition. 

We may see, at this moment, what consequences result from 
the doctrines of Free Trade carried to extremes. Ireland is a 
signal example. The failure of a potato crop, half starves a popu- 
lation of eight millions. The people have no employment, ena- 
bling them to purchase food. Government, itself, is already abso- 
lutely obliged to furnish employment, often on works of no great 
value, to keep the people from positive famine. And yet, there 
are able men, able I admit them to be — but theoretic men, T think 
them to be ; distinguished men, nevertheless, who maintain that 
Ireland now is no worse off than if all the great landholders, hold- 
ing estates in Ireland, and receiving rents from the estates, and 
spending their incomes in England, instead of living in England 
and spending there, the money from their Irish estates, lived in 
Ireland, and supported Irish labor with it, on their farms and about 
their establishments, and in the work-sho|)s. 



i}5 

What does Ireland now want ? What is her cry 1 Employ- 
ment, employment ! And has it not come even to that pass, that the 
Government is obliged to employ hundreds and thousands of the 
people and pay them, and put them on works of very little utility, 
merely to give them bread ? I wish that every Irishman in the 
State of Pennsylvania could be here to-night, so that I could ask 
him to remember the condition of the people of his own country, 
who are starving for the want of employment, and compare that 
condition with his own, here in Pennsylvania, where he has good 
employment, and fair wages. 

Gentlemen, this notion of free trade, which goes to cut off the 
employment of men on the ground that it is best to buy where you 
can buy cheapest, is a folly, in a country like ours. The case of 
England is not analagous. What is the cry of free trade in Eng- 
land? Why, it is for cheap bread. In England the deficiency 
is in bread. Labor is limited in its reward. It can earn but so 
much, and we have JVIr. Cobden's authority for saying, that three 
is a disposition to reduce its earnings still lower. It has, therefore, 
a vital interest in reducing the price of food. Therefore free trade 
in England, is but another name for cheap bread. It is not so 
with us. What we desire for our laboring population is employ- 
ment. We do not expect food to be cheaper in this country ; our 
object is to make it dear ; that is to say, our agricultural interests 
desire to raise the price of grain ; and the laboring classes can 
stand this, if their employments are protected, and the price of labor 
kept up. Our hope — and let all rejoice in it — is, that the price 
of our agricultural productions may rise for the benefit of the 
farmer. Manufacturers and operators, so long as they get steady 
employment and good wages, can buy at any reasonable rate. 
Now, who, of all Europe, imitates England ? Nobody, as far as 1 

5 



66 

know, except Holland and Turkey. Austria, Russia, Spain and 
France, hold on, to what I call the common-sense doctrine of pro- 
tectinir their own labor. 

Mr. Dupin, in the French Chamber of Deputies, said last year, 
" that the instincts of Finance were in favor of the protection of 
French labor." (Clieers.) Our American instincts from the first 
have been very much of the same character. Whence arose all 
those ?i(3W-importation agreements, soon after the Revolutionary 
war, but from an instinct, or feeling that the interests of our own 
industrious population ought to be consulted and promoted ? And 
I happen to have a very important document here, which one of 
your fellow-citizens caused to be copied and printed in a very hand- 
some manner. It is a ??o;z.importation agreement, (loud cheers,) 
entered into in this city as early as 1765. That was an American 
instinct ! Here are names to be forever remembered ! I perceive 
amongst them Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution, 
Charles Thompson, the Secretary of Congress, and other illustrious 
names, whose representatives are still amongst us. 

Gentlemen, there is an imputation that honest men ought to re- 
sist, which is, that the protective policy aids capitalists, and is 
meant to do so, exclusively. We hear every day of the great capi- 
talists and rich corporations of New England. A word dissipates 
all this. A corporation in New England is a form of partnership. 
Any body enters into it that chooses. Where individuals invest 
their property to build a mill, they do it in the form of a corporation, 
their private responsibility still remaining in a qualified sense, and 
in that way they embark in the enterprise. The talk about rich 
and exclusive corporations is idle. It is false. There is not one 
of them into which men of moderate means may not enter, and 
many such men do enter, and are interested in them to a consi- 
derable extent. 



67 

Gentlemen, I have already alluded to the great importance of 
the protective policy in this State and in other States, to the han- 
dicrafts : that was the original specific aim and design of the policy. 

At the time of the adoption of the Constitution large manufac- 
turing Corporations were not known. No great works existed, 
though sagacious and far-seeing men perceived, that the appli- 
cation of water power must one day greatly advance the manu- 
facturing interests. At that day, the handicrafts, the mechanics, 
and artizans in the city were looked upon, as those whose labor it 
was desirable to protect. 

Will you pardon me, gentlemen, for recalling to the recollec- 
tion of your older fellow citizens, an interesting celebration which 
took place in this city, on the 4th day of July, 1788. 

On Friday, 4th of July, 1788, the citizens of Philadelphia, cele- 
brated the declaration of Independence made by the thirteen Uni- 
ted States of America on the 4th of July, 1776, and the esta- 
blishment of the Constitution or frame of Government, then 
recently adopted by ten States. 

A procession was formed. The military and companies of 
the various trades and professions united in it. It was organized 
and commanded by Generals Mifflin and Stewart, and some other 
well known gentlemen. 

The various companies displayed their flags and banners with 
appropriate devices and mottoes. 

Richard Bache, Esq., on horseback, as a herald, attended by 
a trumpet, proclaimed a " New Era." 

The Hon, Peter Muhlenberg, carried a blue flag with the words 
" 17th of September, 1787," in silver letters. 

Chief Justice McKean, and his associates, in their robes of office, 
were seated in a lofty car, shaped like an eagle, and drawn by 



68 

six white horses. The Chief Justice supported a tall staff, on the 
top of which was the Cap of Liberty; under the cap the "New 
Constitution," framed and ornamented, and immediately under the 
Constitution the words " The People," in large gold letters. 

Then followed various corps and troops and associations, con- 
suls, collectors, judges, and others. 

Then came the Agricultural Society, with its flag and motto, 
«« Venerate the Plough." 

Then the Manufacturing Society, with their sjnnning, and 
carding machines, looms, ^c. Mr. Gallaudet carried the flag, 
the device on which was a Bee Hive, standing in the beams of the 
sun — bees issuing from the hive ; the flag a blue silk ; motto, 
'" In its rays we shall feel new vigor." 

This was followed by a carriage holding men weavi^ig and 
pri7iting. A lady and her four daughters sat upon it, penciling 
a piece of chintz, and all dressed in cotton of their own manu- 
facture, and over them all, on a lofty staff, was a flag with this 
motto, " May the Union Government protect the Manu- 
factures OF America." 

The Federal ship " Union," followed next, and after her boat- 
builders, sail-makers, merchants, and others interested in commerce. 

Then the other trades, cabinet and chair-makers, with a flag 
and motto, " Br Unity we support Society." 

Next bricklayers, with a flag on which was a brickyard and kiln 
burning ; hands at work ; and in the distance a Federal city build- 
ing, with this motto, " It was hard in Egypt, but this Pros- 
pect MAKES IT EASY." 

Then came the porters, bearing on their flag the motto, " May 
Industry ever be encouraged." After them various trades 
again, and then whip and cane-makers, with their motto, " Lost 



69 

us ENCOURAGE OUR OWN MANUFACTURES." After them still 
others, and amongst the last the brewers, with a flag with this 
motto, " Home Brewed is Best." 

[This statement was received with loud and enthusiastic ap- 
plausej] 

I now ask you whether these sentiments and banners indicated 
that Government was to lay duties only for revenue, and without 
respect to home industry? (Cries of no, no.) Do you believe 
the doctrines of Mr. Polk, or those of the citizens of Philadelphia in 
1788? (Loud shouts of ^^eighty-eight" and long-continued 
cheering.) 

Gentlemen, I had intended to make some remarks upon the pre- 
sent state of the finances and the prospects of the public Treasury. 
But I have not time to present them. I will hand the documents 
to the gentlemen of the press, and if they see fit they can publish 
them. The following is the statement referred to. 



a 



For the year ending 30th June, 1846, the Secretary of the 
Treasury will be enabled to present to Congress, a more favorable 
state of the finances than he had previously estimated. 

In his Annual Report at the commencement of the last 

Session, he estimated the receipts of the year at $26,820,000 

And he stated that the actual balance in the Treasury 
on the 1st of July, 1845, (the beginning of that 
year,) was 7,058,000 

Making the total means for the year, as estimated, - 34,478,000 
He estimated the expenditures for the same year at ■ 20,627,000 



70 

Leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury, 1st of 

July, 1846, of $4,851,000 



But it is believed that the actual receipts for the year 

in question were about ..... 29,500,000 

And the actual expenditures no more than about . 28,000,000 



If this be correct, the actual receipts exceeded the Se 

cretary's estimate ... 
And the actual expenditures fell short of his estimate 
Instead, then, of this balance remaining 1st of July 

1846, as the Secretary estimated - . . 



2,700,000 
1,600,000 

4,851,000 



Actual balance in the Treasury at that date must have 

been about - - . - - - - 9,151,000 

Being 84,300,000 more than the estimate. Accord- 
ingly, it appears from the monthly statement of the 
Treasurer that the balance in Treasury, 29th June, 
1846, was . ' 9,310,000 

But the Secretary will probably not be so fortunate in 
respect to his estimate for the present fiscal year, 
ending 30th June, 1847. 

He estimates the revenue for this year at - - - 25,000,000 

And the expenditures for the same period at - - 25,500,000 



The actual revenue for the 1st quarter of the same 

year, viz. : from 30th June to 30th Sept., 1846, was 6,782,000 
And the actual expenditure for the same quarter was - 14,088,000 



Leaving a deficiency for that quarter of - - - 7,306,000 



71 

If the first quarter be a fair sample of the whole year, 
both as to the revenue and expenditures, the defi- 
ciency at the end of the year will be - - $29,224,000 

To this deficiency the balance in the Treasury 1st of 

July, 1846, is applicable, viz. : .... 9,310,000 



And the remainder, unless other provision be made, 

goes to increase the public debt, - - - . 19,914,000 
The previously existing public debt was - - - 17,075,000 



The whole public debt, therefore, on 1st July, 1847, 
both Stock and Treasury notes, on this calculation, 
would be $36,989,000 



These are, of course, but estimates, except so far as they are 
collected from the monthly and quarterly reports from the Trea- 
sury. It may be that the receipts and expenditures for the first 
quarter of the present fiscal year, will not turn out to be a true 
index to the remaining three-quarters. 

We have yet to see, too, what will be the actual effect of the new 
tariff on the revenue. 

And it is also to be borne in mind, that in stating the above 
receipts and expenditures no allowance lohatevcr is mwle for ex- 
penses incurred^ but not yet defrayed. The raising of more troops 
of course enhances the expense of the war, and on tho whole 
it is probable that the deficiency at the end of the year may be 
$30,000,000. 

It is evident enough, that the country is incurring a considerable 
debt, rapidly, which must necessarily go on increasing while the 
war lasts. 



72 



Estimated amount of the Public Debt, if the war 

continue till next spring, 
Annual interest of this, - - - . 
Sinking fund, ..... 

Ordinary expenses, .... 



should 



$100,000,000 
. 6,000,000 
. 2,000,000 
- 28,000,000 



36,000,000 
Deduct income from public lands and all other sources, 

as estimated by Secretary Walker, for the year end- 
ing 30th June, 1847, 2,500,000 



Leaving to be provided for by duties on imports - 33,500,000 

If the imports under the new tariff should be the same 
as they were for the year ending June 30th, 1845, 
say 8103,000,000, after deducting exports, it is esti- 
mated that the nett revenue from imports will be - 23,000,000 



Leaving Si 0,500,000 to be raised by duties on in- 
creased imports, ..... $10,500,000 



To produce this sum, there must be an increased import of 
$47,021,190, making a total import of $150,021,790, after deduct- 
ing all exports of foreign goods to be consumed in the country and 
paid for if we have the ability. The exports of our products, 
fisheries, &c., for the present year of short crops of grain in Eu- 
rope, will not exceed $135,000,000, leaving $15,000,000 to be 
paid for in specie, which we cannot spare ; it would immediately 
derange our currency, depress business, and destroy all credit. 

If the public debt should reach only to fifty millions, then three 
millions of annual expenditure will be saved, and the exports of 
specie on the foregoing calculation bo twelve millions instead of 
sixteen. 



73 

I think there will be a great deficiency, and I rather expect that 
the President will recommend a tax upon tea and coffee. Well, all 
I have to say is this : there was a majority found in either branch 
of Congress sufficient to carry the present tariff measure — a mea- 
sure which has, in my judgment, destroyed the best system that 
this country ever enjoyed — I mean the tariff of 1842 — whether for 
revenue, or protection, or public credit. {^Great cheering.) This, 
there were majorities found to destroy. These same majorities 
exist. By that act, they struck off five millions from the annual 
income. They may, or may not — I will not anticipate — receive 
an equal amount under their own new tariff. Let events decide 
that. Tf they do not ; if they want more money ; if they must 
have more money, they have the same majorities, for any mea- 
sures which they may see fit to adopt. 

If they will take my advice, should they be in want of money, I 
would say to them, restore what you have destroyed — {cries of 
" Exactly, that's it,"" and loud clieers) — give us back that system 
of credit — put, as soon as you can, honorably, an end to this war. 

You may have increased your public debt ; give us a good 
system to live under, and pay under, and we can meet the loss. 
But if you mean to overwhelm us with foreign importation ; if you 
think you will receive — as you will not — forty millions of new 
importations, how do you expect to meet this demand 1 It is true, 
the times favor and support the hope of getting along for some little 
time, under the present system. The high price of iron in Eng- 
land keeps up the price of that article here, whilst the famine in 
Ireland, and the general scarcity in other parts of Europe, aug- 
ment the exportation of American produce. 

But, looking to the end, I entertain a confident opinion that the 
importations of the country will not reach such an amount as will 
make good the loss sustained by the dcstructionof the tariff of 1842 ; 



74 

and if such importation should take place, and the people of the 
United States were foolish enough to purchase foreign commodities 
to that extent, what must be the consequences? Why, that our 
exports would not pay for our imports, and the country would be 
drained of specie. This seems to me inevitable; and derangement 
of the currency, and pressure in commercial alFairs must follow. 

Gentlemen, I now take my leave of you and of the occasion, by 
returning thanks to the ladies who have honored me, and all of us 
by attending this meeting. If they have not received pleasure 
they have fulfilled, so far, tlie duty and destiny of the sex in confer 
ring it. {^Enthusiastic cheerhig.) If the audience immediately be 
fore me have sometimes felt that their ears were weary, their eyes 
nevertheless, have been alwayspleased. [Renewed clieering.) 

They may well rejoice in the prosperity of happy homes, and a 
happy country, and in the innumerable blessings Providence has 
vouchsafed to pour upon us. Who is there — are there any — who 
can look back with more pleasure and honest pride, upon the his- 
tory of the past? Who is there, in any part of. the earth, that can 
contemplate the {)resent circumstances which surround them, with 
more satisfaction than one of this coodlv land ? And where are 
there fathers and mothers, who can look forward with higher or 
better hopes for the happiness of their children, and their children's 
children, than the fathers and mothers now before me? {Loud 
cheers.) 

Let us soften political duties and political differences by surround- 
ing them with friendly associations and kind feelings ; and while the 
fathers, and the sons, through successive generations shall, with 
manly strength, uphold the pillars of the State, may those pillars be 
ornamented by the grace and beauty of mothers and daughters ! 
{Loud and long continued cheering.) 



75 

It is impossible to describe the effect of the Speech upon tlie 
assemblage, which listened with deep interest, during its delivery, 
and broke in upon the Speaker with frequent cheers and plaudits. 
But at its close, the enthusiasm which had attended its commence- 
ment, was renewed. For a time, the excitement which pervaded 
the mass, was loudly spoken, and Mr. Webster resumed his seat 
amid a storm of plaudits. 

The fourth toast was then read : — 

New Hamjoshire — She struck the first blow against British op- 
pression, in 1774, and her sons will never falter from the princi- 
ples then announced by their fathers. 

Gen. Wilson, of Neiv Hampshire, rose to honor this remem- 
brance of his own State, and, in a brief and eloquent speech, he 
spoke in behalf of the Whigs of the Old Granite State; pointed to 
their acts, and the proofs of their love for, and adherence to, whig 
principles ; and in the names of Langdon, Starke, Cilley and other 
eminent and valued men, who were born upon her soil, brought to 
remembrance the valuable services she has rendered to the Union. 
Among her statesmen, she was proud to reckon the Hon. Ebenezer 
Webster, the father of our distinguished Senator and Statesman ; 
and prouder still to claim to have given birth to the great Defender 
of the National Constitution. A graceful reference to the political 
revolution, recently achieved in New Hampshire, brought his 
remarks to a close, and the frequent cheers of the assemblage, 
gave gratifying proof of the acceptable nature of what he had 
spoken. 

The fifth toast proposed, was — 

New York— The patriotic energies of her people have made her 
the Empire State, and proved that " Excelsior" is hers of right. 



76 

Philip IIoxe, Esq., of New York, arose to reply, and spoke 
briefly and felicitously, for the State he represented. 

The sixth toast was announced : — 
Kentucky ! Kentucky ! — Music to the ear of every Whig. 

A perfect tempest of applause greeted this sentiment, and Alex- 
ander H. Freeman, Esq., a member of the Committee, gave it new 
force and enthusiasm, by remembering the Sage of Ashland, and 
offering as a toast, the well applied words — 

" TJie Star oftlie West." 

It was a sudden, but most welcome demonstration of affection for 
Henry Clay. 

The seventh toast — 

Maryland — Founded by a wise and liberal statesman upon the 
basis of universal toleration, she stands a faithful witness before 
the world that our country regards all mankind as brethren. 

The Hon. John P. Kennedy, of Maryland, arose and returned 
his thanks for the honorable mention of his own State, and held 
the assemblage, for a time, in pleased attention to his declaration, 
for himself, and for the Whigs of Maryland, in favor of protective 
principles, mingling with his remarks some caustic sentences, con- 
cerning those who oppose this great doctrine of the Whig party. 
In conclusion, he offered the following toast : — 

The Constitution of the United States. — May it very soon be 
confided to the official care of those who will administer it in the 
spirit in which it was conceived by its authors, in which it was illus- 
trated by Madison, Hamilton and Jay, and in which it is maintained 
and expounded by Webster. 



77 

The sentiment was drank amid strong marks of approbation, 
and then 

The eighth toast was read : — 

Connecticut — Her spirit is to be found in the East, the West, the 
North and the South, and every where her children show forth her 
steady and successful principles. 

The ninth toast succeeded : — 

Massachv setts — There she is — behold her for yourselves — the 
World knows her history. 

This called up the Hon. Robert C. Winturop, of Massachu- 
setts, in reply, and, with an eloquence as pleasing as it was elfec- 
tive, he alluded to the absence of the necessity for remarks upon 
him, when another son of Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster) had so 
ably spoken the sentiments of its people — they could not have been 
more faithfully or more truly represented. Fanueil Hall, the 
" Cradle of Liberty," rejoiced to be united to the Hall of Independ- 
ence, and he felt unusual pride and pleasure in being a participant 
in the festivity which had called so large a mass of Whigs together. 
In doing honor to Mr. Webster, they did honor to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States — for he was and had been its ablest 
expounder and defender. In honoring Mr. Webster, they had hon- 
ored the principle of peace ; for he had preserved it, when war was 
impending. In honoring Mr. Webster, he felt they were giving a 
renewed pledge of allegiance to the laws and the Constitution, 
which owed so much to his mighty intellect and matchless mind. 

After reverting, in terms of eloquent reprobation of the course of 
the present administration, Mr. Winthrop closed by offering the 
following sentiment : — 

Pennsylvania — May she always prove politically, as she is phy- 
sically, a link of iron between the North and the South. 



78 

This toast was warmly welcomed ; and then — • 

The tenth regular toast was otlercd, as Ibllows, and drank : — 

PcnnsTjlvania — The Keystone o{ the Union — the wealth of her 
mountains, and the fidelity of her sons will always keep the Key- 
stone in iis right place. 

The eleventh regular toast : — 

New Jersey — While Trenton and Princeton remain, the world 
will never forcet her: — 



"O^ 



having been read, Charles King, Esu., arose and spoke a few 
minutes, very pleasantly and pertinently, in reply. 

The following remembrance of the good city of Boston, was the 



next regular toast -.-^ 



The City of Boston — Pennsylvania owes her much, for she gave 
us Franklin. 



The compliment to the ladies closed the regular toasts, and the 
following was drank with enthusiasm : — 

The Matrons and Daughters of America — " None know them 
but to love them — none name them but to praise." 

Morton McMichael, Esq., rose to answer for tlie ladies, and 
drew out, by a toast, 

Horace Greelv, Esq., editor of the New York Tribune, one of 
the tried and steadfast friends of Protection. He spoke for a ^cw 
minutes, with reference to his favorite subject of " Protection," and 
its relation to the elemental theories of government, and the practi- 
cal well-being of the people. His clear, luminous and logical 
exposition was listened to with much attention. 



79 

"The Armv and Navy of the United States," 

was offered for a pledge in bumpers; by Joseph B. Myers, Esq., 
and drank with loud cliccrs. 

The Hon. George Ashjiun, of Massachusetts, spoke, briefly, in 
answer to a toast, and gave a sentiment, in honor of the Hon. 
Joseph R. Ingeesoll, which was drunk with great approbation ; 
and after some other speaking some pleasant sallies, and inter- 
change of agreeable courtesies, 

The Hon. Daniel Webster claimed and riveted the attention 
of the assembage, while he spoke as follows : — 

I rise, without the permission of the Chair, to propose a toast ; 
and for this violation of rule and order, I hope I may find a justifi- 
cation in the sentiment, or the fervent wish, which I am about to 
express. 

The Honorable Gentleman, near whom I stand, and who has 
done us the favor to preside on this occasion, is a native citizen of 
Massachusetts, but now, for many years, a resident in this city and 
its neighborhood. 

I need hardly say, here, that he is universally beloved for the 
integrity of his private life, and his amiability and social virtues, 
while he is liighly respected for the fidelity and ability with which 
he has discharged important public trusts. It has been my good 
fortune to serve with him in Congress ; and I am happy in this 
occasion of expressing my high regard for his public principles, 
and his political conduct. 

Of the propriety and grace as well as the kindness and good 
feeling with which he has, this evening, discharged the duties of 
the chair, it is not necessary to speak. 

I see already, above me, and before me, manifestations of eager- 
ness, to do him just honor ; and therefore, without further remark, 



80 

I projjose to the galleries, as well as to those on the benches of the 
Saloon — 

" The Health of Mk. Bkeck." 

At this announcement, the gentlemen all rose, with loud accla- 
mations, and thousands of handkerchiefs were waved in the gal- 
leries. 

Mr. Breck returned thanks. He confessed himself deeply 
affected by the kind notice and flattering compliment; and hoped 
he could properly feel and appreciate the honor conferred upon him 
by so great and distinguished an individual : an honor which called 
for his grateful acknowledgments, and they were freely and earn- 
estly made, both to him and to the company, who had so cheer- 
fully received the toast. 

A thunder of applause greeted this toast, and the whole assem- 
blage rose, at once, to do honor to the respected President of the 
day. It was a gratifying and deserved compliment, and brought 
the pleasing festivities of the evening to a harmonious termination, 
for soon afterward the assemblage broke up. 



APPENDIX. 



The following are some of the Letters received from Gentlemen 
invited, but unable to attend : — 

Baltimore, 21st Nov. 1846. 

Gentlemen : — The invitation with which you have honored me 
to the dinner, to be given to Mr. Webster, on the Second of Decem- 
ber, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, it would 
give me great pleasure to accept. But professional engagements, 
which I am not at liberty to postpone, render it impossible. 

Nothing could gratify nae more than being present, to witness 
the enthusiasm with which, I am sure will be received, so distin- 
guished a citizen, by gentlemen of Philadelphia, whose intelligence 
and patriotism make them eminently competent to appreciate, as 
they deserve, the invaluable service he has, at various times, done 
his country. 

I should indeed take an especial delight in participating in such 
a meeting, from knowing that it originated in an instinctive desire, 
common to every virtuous and honorable mind, openly to express 
detestation of calumny, no matter where uttered, or by whom 
uttered, against an American gentleman, in whose unspotted fame 
the nation has an abiding interest. 

But, from the reason stated, I am forced to forego the gralilica- 
tion — and conclude with asking you, gentlemen, to do me the favor, 

6 



82 

if a fit occasion offers, to present for me, at the dinner, this senti- 
ment — 

" A Statesman who has so served liis country, as to elevate his 
name wherever patriotism is felt or letters known — a magnanimous 
people will never suffer to be slandered with impunity." 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

REVERDY JOHNSON. 

To Messrs. Churchman, McLelland, Elwyn and others, Commit- 
tee, &c., Philadelphia. 



Washington, Nov. 30, 1846. 

Gentlemen : — At the moment of departure from my i-esidence 
in Maine, some days ago, I had the honor to receive your invita- 
tion to attend a public dinner to be given by the merchants and 
other citizens of Philadelphia, to the Hon. Daniel Webster, on 
Wednesday next. 

I indulged the hope that it would be in my power to accept this 
obliging mark of your favor, and I have not relinquished it, until I 
find that the duties of a public nature, which called me here, prior 
to the commencement of the session of Congress, still require my 
presence. 

I am, therefore, very reluctantly compelled to forego the great 
gratification I should enjoy, in witnessing the manifestations of 
respect and esteem, which the intelligent and patriotic citizens of 
Philadelphia propose to show toward a statesman so eminent and 
deserving. 

Cordially concurring in this tribute of regard and confidence, 
and grateful for the honor of your invitation, 
I am. Gentlemen, with great respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 

GEO. EVANS. 

Messrs. Chas. W. Churchman, George McClelland, A. L. Elwyn, 
and others, Committee, &c. 



83 

New York, Nov. 26th, 1846. 

Gentlemen : — ^Your invitation to " the Webster Dinner," was 
received just as I was leaving your city yesterday. Nothing could 
afford me more pleasure than to be with you on that occasion ; and 
if I can return from Boston in time, I will certainly be there. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

A. STEWART. 

Messrs. Churchman, Elwyn, Brown, Thomas, Mercer, and Rice, 
Committee of Invitation. 



New York, Nov. 21, 1846. 

Dea.r Sir : — I had the pleasure to receive, on the 17th instant, 
an invitation from the Committee, of which you are the Secretary, 
to be present at a dinner to be given by the merchants and other 
citizens of Philadelphia, to the Hon. Daniel Webster, qn the Second 
of December next. 

I beg to assure the Committee, through you, that I am greatly 
indebted to them for this honor, and that if I could consult my 
own gratification, I should not fail to be present, and participate in 
this testimonial to the public character and services of your distin- 
guished guest. My professional engagements, however, will pre- 
clude me from enjoying this pleasure, and compel me to decline 
the invitation of your Committee. 

With my best regards to the gentlemen of the Committee of 
Invitation, and yourself, 

I am your much obliged servant, 

J. PRESCOTT HALL. 



84 

Richmond, Nov. 26, 1846, 

Gentlemen : — I have the pleasure to acknowledge the invitation 
to the dinner to be given to Mr. Webster, on the Second of Decem- 
ber next, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, with 
which you have kindly honored me. 

I wish I could have the pleasure, also, of accepting it — with 
great alacrity would I do so — for no one entertains a higher 
admiration of Mr. Webster than I do ; and no man is better entitled 
to the cheering and gratifying mark of public approbation, which 
you are about to bestow upon liim, than he is. Few men have 
devoted so large a portion of their lives to the public service ; and 
few, very few, have marked that service with such varied and pre- 
eminent ability as Mr. Webster has. Most fitting is it, then, that 
he should receive that highest and best reward of a public servant, 
the grateful approbation of the people. 

I regret, however, most deeply, that it will not be in my power 
to be with you on the occasion referred to. My professional 
engagements, at this season of the year, do not permit me to leave 
Richmond. 

Do me the favor to present the subjoined sentiment for me, at 
your table, and be 

Assured of my profound 

And grateful respect. 

JAMES LYONS. 

TJie Defenders of the Constitution — Whether in the field or the 
forum, equally the defenders of the country, and equally entitled to 
the approbation of the people whom they serve. 



Boston, Nov. 29, 1846. 
To the Committee of Invitation : — 

Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your note of the 25th instant, inviting me to a dinner, to be 



85 

given by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, to the 
Hon. Daniel Webster, on Wednesday next. 

In common with almost every son of Massachusetts, I am highly 
gratified in observing this expression of respect and confidence, 
from the citizens of Philadelphia, to our distinguished townsman. 
Such an approval of the political principles of which he has been 
the able Expounder and Defender, by so respectable a body of your 
citizens, tends to give increased confidence in the ultimate preva- 
lence of those principles in the administration of the Government, 
and in the public sentiment of the counti-y. 

It would give me great pleasure to be present, and to witness 
this proof of the devotion of your citizens to a sound political faith, 
and of their respect for one who is so faithful and efficient in his 
efforts to propagate and defend it. I, therefore, extremely regret 
that, on account of engagements of business, I am under the neces- 
sity of declining your kind invitation. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

NATHAN HALE. 

Charles W. Churchman, A. L. Elwyn, David S. Brown, Jacob M. 
Thomas, Singleton A. Mercer, and John Rice, Esqs., Committee 
of Invitation of the Citizens of Philadelphia. 



LocKPOKT, Nov. 23, 1846. 

Gentlemen: — I have received your letter of the 18th instant, 
inviting me to attend a dinner to be given to the Hon. Daniel Web- 
ster, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, on the 2d 
instant. It would afford me very sincere pleasure to unite with 
you in paying deserved honors to that eminent statesman and 
patriot ; and I regret that ])rivate engagements, of a pressing 



86 

nature, will render it impracticable for me to reach your city in 
time to avail myself of the opportunity, 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

W. HUNT. 

To Charles W. Churchman, George McClelland, and others, &c. 



Baltimore, Nov. 30, 1846. 

Gentlemkiv : — I am honored with your polite invitation to be 
present at the public dinner to be given on Thursday next, in your 
city, to the Hon. Daniel Webster. To be present at such an assem- 
blage of patriotic citizens, as will be gathered on that occasion, for 
so just and honorable a purpose, would be most gratifying to my 
feelings, but I find, greatly to my regret, that I cannot leave here 
at the present time. 

I rejoice at this distinguished manifestation of respect towards the 
" Great Defender of the Constitution," for he well deserves the 
highest consideration from his conntrymen, for his long and great 
public services, particularly at the last session of Congress. It 
comes well and appropriately from the Emporium of the great 
manufacturing and commercial " Key State" — a State that has so 
long groped in political darkness, but which has, at last, most for- 
tunately for herself, and the whole country, come out into the light 
of the brightest sunshine. 

I am with you, in heart and sentiment ; but as I cannot be per- 
sonally present, allow me to propose the following — 

Pennsylvcniia — In her recent triumphant victory, she has ac- 
quired a glory for herself and country, that may be registered with 
the achievements of " Old Rough and Ready" at Palo Alto, at 
Rcsaca de la Palma and Monterey. 

Most cordially and respectfully, your friend and obedient servant, 

ISAAC MUNROE. 

To Messrs. Churchman, Elwyn, Brown, Thomas, Mercer, Rice, 
Committee, &c. 



87 

Gallipolis, Ohio, Nov. 29, 1846. 
Daniel Hadack, Jr. Esq. : — 

Dear Sir : — On my return home, yesterday, after an absence 
of some weeks, I received your letter of the 13th instant, inviting 
me, on behalf of the Committee of Correspondence, to a dinner to 
be given by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, to the 
Hon. Daniel Webster, on the 2d of next month. I could not reach 
Philadelphia by that time, if it were even possible for me to leave 
home immediately, which it is not. It would give the highest gra- 
tification, if in my power, to be present, and unite with the citizens 
of Philadelphia in their demonstrations of respect and high regard 
for an individual of such exalted worth and ability, whoso eminent 
public services, for a quarter of a century, have justly given him a 
fame both at home and abroad, not surpassed by that of any other 
American statesman. 

You will please tender to the gentlemen of the Committee, my 
thanks for the kind invitation which they conveyed to me, through 
you. And I beg leave to avail myself of this, as a fitting occasion 
to express to them, through you, the high estimation, in which I 
have ever held the good city of Philadelphia, for its many virtues, 
general intelligence and moral worth. 

I am, with great respect. 

Your very obedient servant, 

SAMUEL F. VINTON. 



Norwich, Nov. 27, 1846. 

Gentlemen : — I have received your letter of invitation to the 
dinner to be given to the Hon. Daniel Webster, on the 2d of 
December next, by the merchants and other citizens of Phila- 
delphia. I regret that engagements made previous to its receipt, 
will prevent me from meeting and uniting with you in this mani- 
festation of the respect which is entertained for this distinguished 
citizen. No place is so appropriate as the city of Philadelphia, to 



88 

do honor to one who has so ably maintained the great principles on 
which the declaration of American Independence, and the Consti- 
tution of the United States are founded ; and no portion of our 
fellow citizens, with more propriety than the merchants and men 
of business of that city, can manifest their regard for one, who, in 
addition to his other eminent public services, has always, and 
with great ability, supported measures calculated to promote the 
prosperity, and sustain the business of the people of this country. 
With great respect, 

I am your obedient servant, 

J. W. HUNTINGTON. 

To A. Langdon Elwyn, John Rice, C.W. Churchman, Esqrs., Com- 
mitttee, &c. 



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